books to reference:
by James Ridgeway
Silencing the Guns by Irwin Stocky
Hideous Dreams by Stan Goff
Articles, Resolutions and Position Papers
l. Harkin's Senate Speech
CIA Haitian Connection
Drugs, Thugs, and the CIA
4. Thirst For Justice: A Decade of Impunity in Haiti
(Human Rights Watch Report - Haiti, 1996)
5. The Case of Haiti - How
Brings Freedom into the World
by Tom Reeves, Jan. 29/30, 2005
6 . Porto
on Haiti adopted at the World Social Forum in January, 2005;
Resolution of the
Cuba/North America Labor Conference Concerning the Situation
in Haiti, December 10-12, 2004 Tijuana, Mexico
7. Resolution of the
National Conference of Lawyers on
the Kidnapping of President, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, August
8 . The Caribbean's Right to Self-determination is threatened by
Imperialist Intervention in Haiti and Caricom's Resistandce must
continue and itensity, by the National Conference of Black Lawyers,
Section on International Affairs and World Peace, June 28, 2004
Coup and the Constitution,
by Brian Concannon Jr, June 1, 2004
10. The Kidnapping
of President Jean-Bertrand
Aristide from Haiti Violates
International and United States Law
by Marjorie Cohn, March 30, 2004
11 . Bush Officials
Should be Investigated for War Crimes
National Conference of Black Lawyers, March 27, 2004
12. US Sponsored Coup
The Destabilization of Haiti By Michel
Chossudovsky, February 29, 2004
13."Did the Bush Administration Allow a Network of Right-Wing
Republicans to Foment a Violent Coup in Haiti?"
"Democracy Now," Pacifica Radio, July 20, 2004.
14. See Recommended
Readings, Articles and Handouts for the "To
tell The Truth About Haiti Forums."
Haiti Drugs, Thugs, and the CIA
SYNOPSIS: More than 4,000 civilians in Haiti have
been killed since the 1991 bloody military coup that ousted duly-elected
President Jean Bertrand Aristide. But few Americans are aware of our
secret involvement in Haitian politics.
Some of the high military officials involved in the coup have been
on the CIA's payroll from "the mid-1980s at least until the 1991
coup." Further, the CIA "tried to intervene in Haiti's election
with a covert action program that would have undercut the political
strength" of Aristide. The aborted attempt to influence the 1988
election was authorized by then-President Ronald Reagan and the National
Security Council. The program was blocked by the Senate Select Committee
on Intelligence in a rare move.
Next, a confidential Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) report revealed
that Haiti is "a major transshipment point for cocaine traffickers"
who are funneling drugs from Colombia and the Dominican Republic into
the United States .
According to Patrick Elie, who was Aristide's anti-drug czar, Haitian
police chief Lt. Col. Michel Francois is at the center of the drug
trade. Francois' "attaches" reportedly have been responsible
for a large number of murders and violence since the coup. Elie said
he was constantly rebuffed by the CIA when he tried to alert it to
the military's drug trafficking. Elie also reported how the CIA-created
Haitian National Intelligence Service (NIS)- supposedly created to
combat drugs-was actually involved with narcotics trafficking, and
"functioned as a political intimidation and assassination squad."
UPDATE: On October 17, 1994, Time magazine revealed that
Emmanuel "Toto" Constant, head of the FRAPH, a brutal gang
of Haitian thugs known for murder, torture, and beatings, was on the
payroll of both the CIA and the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency.
The New York Times reported (12/3/95) that Constant himself had confirmed
he was a paid agent of the CIA. An American force of 20,000 threw
out the Haitian military junta in September 1994 and paved the way
for the return of Aristide in October. While the American force is
long gone, U.N. peacekeepers, paid for by the United States, remain
in Haiti (Christian Science Monitor, 9/4/96). Ironically, investigative
reporter Allan Nairn revealed the "U.S. military intelligence
and the CIA are still, to this day, continuing their secret work with
the repressive paramilitary organization known as FRAPH" (The
The CIA Haitian Connection
Feb. 24, 2004
The URL of this article is: http://globalresearch.ca/articles/BER402A.html
The following articles on the CIA Haiti sponsored narcotics smuggling
by Dennis Bernstein and Howard Levine were published more than ten years
ago. They shed light on the history of US interventionism in Haiti,
focusing on the 1991 CIA led military coup. The coup was led coup by
general Raul Cedras, resulted in the overthrow of the democratically
elected government of President Aristide.
WHAT'S BEHIND WASHINGTON'S SILENCE ON HAITI DRUG CONNECTION?
by Dennis Bernstein; Pacific News Service, 10/20/93
At stake in the U.S. confrontation with the Haitian military regime
is a cocaine smuggling operation that earns millions of dollars for
Haitian military officials while dumping tons of the deadly white powder
on American streets. Yet while the country debates the merits of armed
intervention in Haiti, the Clinton administration has remained mum on
the Haitian "drug connection."
A confidential report by the Drug Enforcement Agency obtained by Pacific
News Service describes Haiti as "a major transshipment point for
cocaine traffickers" funnelling drugs from Colombia and the Dominican
Republic into the U.S.-with the knowledge and active involvement of
high military officials and business elites.
The corruption of the Haitian military "is substantial enough to
hamper any significant drug investigation attempting to dismantle"
illicit drug operations inside Haiti, the report states. Echoing the
report's findings, exiled Haitian President Jean Bertrand Aristide recently
blamed the military's role in the drug trade for his ouster.
Despite extensive DEA intelligence documenting Haiti's drug role, neither
the Clinton administration, nor the Bush administration before it, have
ever raised that role publicly. Now critics of U.S. policy on Haiti,
including one Congressman, are questioning that silence, suggesting
it reflects de facto U.S. support for the Haitian military and a reluctance
to offer unqualified support for Aristide.
"I've been amazed that our government has never talked about the
drug trafficking...even though it is obviously one of the major reasons
why these people drove their president out of the country and why they
are determined not to let him back in. We're talking hundreds of millions
of dollars of illegal profits that are having disastrous consequences
for the American people," says Rep. John Conyers (D-MI).
Larry Burns, head of the Washington, D.C.-based Council on Hemispheric
Affairs, claims, "From the moment Aristide was overthrown two years
ago, Washington has equivocated on whether it wanted him back or not..."
To secure the military "as an anchor to Aristide's sail,"
Burns charges, Washington "turned a blind eye to the corruption
charges, and pretended that it could be reformed through professionalization
and U.S. training."
A senior administration official at the National Security Council dismisses
the charge but when asked why the administration has failed to publicize
DEA allegations of drug trafficking, the spokesman had no comment.
The DEA first established a Country Office (CO) in Port-au-Prince to
assist the Haitian government with its anti-narcotics activities in
November 1987. Throughout Aristide's brief tenure in office, DEA agents
worked closely with Haitian military narcotics services, investigating
an illegal cocaine network estimated to be moving some $300-$500 million
worth of cocaine into the U.S. per year. Although the DEA office was
shut down after the 1991 coup, it reopened in the fall of 1992. But
soon after DEA intelligence prompted the arrest of a member of Haiti's
ClA-linked National Intelligence, DEA local agent Tony Greco received
death threats from a man identifying himself as the National Intelligence
A Congressional source familiar with the DEA's history in Haiti told
PNS that Greco had also "connected (Lt. Colonel Michel) Francois
to the drug trafficking operations in Haiti." Francois, the current
chief of police, is alleged to be behind the current campaign of terror.
What disturbs Rep. Conyers is that none of this information ever reached
the public. "By turning a deaf ear to what is obviously a prime
force behind Aristide's ouster, we raise questions about our own involvement
in drug activities," Conyers says. He is currently investigating
how it is that the ships and aircraft necessary to sustain such a large
operation evade detection and interdiction, while the U.S. government
has managed to spot, stop and turn back almost every ramshackle boat
Indeed the DEA report shows that after the 1991 coup sent Aristide into
exile, there were virtually no major seizures of cocaine from Haiti
as compared to nearly 4,000 pounds seized in 1990.
Michael Levine, author of "Deep Cover" and a decorated DEA
agent with 25 years of experience fighting drugs overseas, says what's
going on in Haiti is "just another example of elements of the U.S.
government protecting killers, drug dealers and dictators for the sake
of some political end that's going to cost a whole bunch of kids in
this country their lives.
"I saw the drug traffickers take over the government of Bolivia
in 1980, ironically with the assistance of the CIA, and we (the DEA)
just packed up our office and went home."
Dennis Bernstein is co producer of KPFA's Flashpoints and an associate
editor at Pacific News Service. Additional reporting by Greg Saatkamp
and Julie Light.
© Copyright DENNIS BERNSTEIN, 1993. For fair use only/ pour usage
THE CIA'S HAITIAN CONNECTION
by Dennis Bernstein and Howard Levine; San Francisco Bay Guardian, 11/3/93
Although the Clinton administration insists it is making every effort
to return ousted Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power,
covert connections between Haiti's military junta and the CIA may be
helping to keep the regime in place.
Confidential government documents obtained by the Bay Guardian show
that the CIA helped establish and finance Haiti's powerful National
Intelligence Service, which played a key role in the 1991 coup and continues
to provide paramilitary muscle for the anti-Aristide dictatorship. As
recently as February 1993, a confidential congressional report described
the NIS as "working closely" with the CIA.
The documents-along with interviews with members of Congress, senior
administration sources, and a high-ranking member of Aristide's cabinet-in-exile-raise
troubling questions about Clinton's policy toward the tiny, impoverished
Caribbean nation and provide strong evidence to support critics who
claim the United States is giving little more than lip service to the
cause of Haitian democracy.
Among other things, the Bay Guardian has learned:
Haitian Lt. Col. Joseph Michel Francois-the reputed kingpin behind the
military junta-was trained at a clandestine U.S. Army combat facility
known as the "coup school," whose alumni also include jailed
Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega and former Salvadoran president Roberto
Paramilitary death squads controlled by Francois and Frank Romain, the
former mayor of Port-au-Prince, are carrying out what some critics call
a systematic attempt to wipe out Aristide's base of support, making
it difficult if not impossible for the ousted president to reclaim political
power. The death squads, known as attaches have been linked to roughly
4,000 murders since the coup.
Former Haitian officials and congressional sources link Francois and
the NIS to a massive drug-smuggling and money-laundering operation that
sends at least a billion dollars worth of cocaine a year to the United
States. Aristide's attempt to crack down on the drug ring may have helped
spark the coup-and since the military junta took power, cocaine exports
In fact, a U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency operative who was investigating
an NIS officer allegedly involved in drug smuggling had to flee Haiti
in 1992 after receiving death threats on a private telephone line with
a secret number known only to a few top government officials.
At least two senior members of Congress, Rep. Charles Rangel and Rep.
Major Owens, both New York Democrats, told the Bay Guardian they have
enough reason to suspect CIA involvement in the Aristide coup that they
are calling for a full congressional investigation.
HALF HEARTED EFFORTS
As the crisis in Haiti drags on and the military junta refuses to relinquish
power, critics have charged that the United States is making only token
efforts to restore Aristide to office.
Larry Burns, an analyst at the Washington, D.C.-based Council on Hemispheric
Relations, pointed out that the United States has not fully participated
in the United Nations embargo of Haiti (unlike most other countries,
the U.S. has exempted its own companies in Haiti from the embargo).
It's also curious, he told the Bay Guardian, that the Clinton administration
has failed to make a public issue of the military regime's role in drug
trafficking-a tactic that the Bush administration used extensively to
discredit Panama's Manuel Noriega.
"You would think that the White House would want, as one of its
major points, to pin the drug tail on the military donkey in Haiti,"
Burns said. "It would be their best opportunity to rally the American
people to a pro-Aristide position. Yet they never used it."
White House Deputy Press Secretary Don Steinberg told the Bay Guardian
that "there's nothing halfhearted about our administration's commitment
to returning democracy to Haiti and Aristide to power."
"We sent military trainers to Haiti, we've supported the embargo,
and we've fully supported the Governor's Island accords," which
were supposed to lead to Aristide's return, Steinberg said. "This
administration has not for a second coddled Francois or Cedras."
Lt. Gen. Raoul Cedras heads the military junta.
But Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.) said he was worried that the administration's
silence on the military's connection to the drug trade would only embolden
the junta and tighten its grip on power.
"We have turned a very deaf ear to what is obviously a moving force,"
he said. "It leads you to wonder if our silence is because we knew
this was going on and that our complicity in drug activity may parallel
the accusations that were raised about our involvement in drug activities-that
is, our government and the Central Intelligence Agency's-during the
Although they admit they have no hard evidence, both Rangel and Aristide's
exiled interior minister, Patrick Elie, told the Bay Guardian they see
shadows of the ClA's hidden hand behind the September 1991 coup, which
overthrew Aristide after only seven months in office.
"I don't have a specific answer as to whether the CIA was involved,"
Rangel said. "But I do know that our feelings against Aristide
were made pretty clear before the coup."
Rangel was referring to the Bush administration's open backing of former
World Bank official Marc Bizan against Aristide. But in a show of popular
support that caught the Bush administration by surprise, Aristide received
67.5 percent of the vote, while Bizan captured only 13 percent.
Elie told the Bay Guardian that the relationship between the CIA and
Haiti's National Intelligence Service went far beyond mere cooperation.
"In fact," he said "the NIS was created by the Central
Intelligence Agency. It was created by it and funded by it."
Elie, whose job included oversight of the NIS, launched an investigation
shortly after taking office that revealed that the CIA had covertly
given the NIS $500,000-twice what the U.S. government was providing
Haiti overtly for drug interdiction.
He said that although the NIS was supposed to be used to combat drug
smugglers, "in fact, all the NIS has done has been political repression
and spying on Haitians."
Records of the Drug Enforcement Administration confirm that the NIS
operates with CIA assistance. According to a confidential DEA document
titled "Drug Trafficking in Haiti," presented to members of
Congress in February 1993 and obtained by the Bay Guardian, the NIS
"is a covert counter-narcotics intelligence unit which often works
in unison with the CIA."
On Sept. 26, 1992, the report states, the DEA itself was driven from
Haiti when its main agent was forced to flee the country after receiving
death threats. DEA attaché Tony Greco received the threats on
his private line in the U.S. embassy, "given out to only a few
trusted individuals," the memo says, within a week of his providing
information that led to the arrest of a NIS officer for drug trafficking.
"The unidentified threat," the report states, "came from
an individual who claims to control many Haitian soldiers in the narcotics
Rep. Major Owens (D-N.Y.), who chairs the Congressional Black Caucus
task force on Haiti, told the Bay Guardian: "I worry about the
CIA having had a role in the overthrow of the Aristide government. The
Congressional Black Caucus has joined with congressman Joseph Kennedy
(D-Mass.) in calling for a full-scale investigation. "
Bay Guardian phone calls to the CIA headquarters in Langley, Va., were
Steinberg said he knew nothing about possible CIA involvement in the
coup and was "hearing about it for the first time." He refused
to comment on the allegations of drug smuggling.
THE SCHOOL OF COUPS
Rangel, who has traveled several times to Haiti and is close to the
deposed administration of Aristide, told the Bay Guardian that although
Cedras heads the junta, Francois, who is also Port-au-Prince's chief
of police, wields the real power.
Francois, Rangel said, "has been targeted as being directly responsible
for the recent murder of [Justice Minister] Guy Malary," who was
dragged out of church, beaten, and killed on Oct. 14.
Michel Francois learned some of his skills right here in the United
States. He is a graduate of the U.S. Army's School of the Americas (SOA),
which Father Roy Bourgeois, founder of SOA Watch in Columbus Georgia,
described as a "combat and counterinsurgency training facility
for soldiers from Central and South America and the Caribbean."
White House spokesperson Steinberg didn't deny that Francois had attended
the Army training school. "But just because he graduated from SOA
doesn't mean he has U.S. government intelligence connections,"
Steinberg said. "A lot of people graduate from that school."
Bourgeois said SOA was founded in 1946 and operated in Panama until
it was kicked out in 1984 as part of the canal treaty. It was reestablished
in Ft. Benning, Ga.
"In Latin America," he said, "it's known as La Escuela
de Golpes, the school of coups," because of the achievements of
some of its 55,000 graduates, including d'Aubuisson; Noriega, who is
serving 40 years in federal prison for drug trafficking; Gen. Hugo Banzer,
who ruled as Bolivia's dictator from 1971 to 1978; and Hector Gramajo,
Guatemala's former defense minister who helped oversee years of brutal
repression in that country and was the guest speaker at SOA's graduation
in December 1991.
On March 15, 1993, the United Nations Truth Commission released its
report on El Salvador and, Bourgeois said, "about 75 percent of
the officers cited in the most serious massacres, including the killing
of six Jesuit priests, the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero,
and the rape and murder of four U.S. nuns, were SOA graduates."
Bay Guardian calls to SOA were not returned.
The coup and resulting embargo may have left thousands of Haitians dead
and created terrible hardship for many thousands more, but it's apparently
been quite profitable for the drug traffickers.
According to a Feb. 10, 1993, memo from one of Conyers' congressional
staffers, a copy of which was obtained by the Bay Guardian, "the
wholesale value of Haiti's drug industry on the U.S. market is now equal
to $1 billion a year, which equals the entire revenue of Haiti's population
of six million.
"Haiti has become the second most important transshipment point,
after the Bahamas, for cocaine shipments from Colombia to the U.S.,"
the memo states.
The DEA's "Drug Trafficking in Haiti" document also says that
Haiti is believed to be a main center for laundering of drug money.
One of Elie's key tasks was to have been overseeing the drug interdiction
efforts, and he had developed an extensive program that included close
cooperation with U.S. agencies. But the program was barely off the ground
when the coup drove him into hiding in Haiti-and five months later,
into the United States. (He has since fled the U.S., fearing for his
life, and called the Bay Guardian from an undisclosed location because
he was told there is a $750,000 contract on his head. Three pro-Aristide
radio broadcasters have been murdered in Florida.)
"While I was in hiding," he said, "I monitored Michel
Francois over the airwaves directing the landing of a [drug smuggling]
plane right in the middle of Port-au-Prince. I immediately notified
the U.S. embassy in Port-au-Prince. I was in touch with the CIA main
agent there at the time, and I gave him the time and date of that landing.
"I don't know if he did anything with it. Since the coup, despite
our repeated attempts to continue this collaboration with the U.S. as
the legitimate government of Haiti, we were met with stonewalling."
Elie's account is supported by the memo to Conyers, which stated that
after the coup, "all those jailed for drug-trafficking have been
released and...Michel Francois has personally supervised the landing
of planes carrying drugs and weapons."
And a September 1992 State Department report titled "International
Narcotics Control Strategy Report: Mid-Year Update" noted that
"although President Jean-Bertrand Aristide was planning new policies
and institutions to combat narcotics trafficking, his ouster...crippled
narcotics control efforts in Haiti."
Meanwhile, observers say, the violence continues-targeted largely at
the popular organizations that helped bring Aristide to power. As part
of the reign of terror, death lists are being posted in small Haitian
villages, Liam Mahoney, an independent human rights monitor in Haiti,
told the Bay Guardian by phone on Nov. 3.
The military regime so far has ignored the Governor's Island accords
that on Oct. 30 called for Aristide's return to power, leading some
to speculate that the junta wants to completely destroy Aristide's power
base before they allow him to return-if they allow him to return at
"If something is not done soon, there will be no Aristide supporters
left," said Rep. Owens. "They will all be destroyed."
© Copyright DENNIS BERNSTEIN, AND HOWARD LEVINE 2004. For fair
use only/ pour usage équitable seulement.
HAITI-US: CIA CALLS ACCOUNT OF MALARY KILLING UNRELIABLE
By Jim Lobe
IPS, 11 Oct 1996
An account naming three leaders of a Haitian paramilitary group, including
a former paid agent of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) , as conspirators
in the 1993 assassination of Haiti's Justice Minister is "unreliable,"
according to a senior U.S. intelligence official.
The official, who spoke on condition that he not be identified, said
the account, which was included in a secret Oct. 28, 1993, report entitled
" Haiti's Far Right: Taking the Offensive," was based on only
one source who was dropped by the CIA shortly after providing the information.
"The source was let go because of the questions about the reliability
of information he was providing," said the official. "Moreover,
there was no information to corroborate his statement," he added.
In a subsequent CIA report on the assassinations of three prominent
supporters of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, including that
of Justice Minister Guy Malary, "that information was not repeated
because the source was discredited," according to the official.
He said the second report, which was finished in December 1995, remains
The intelligence official's account was provided to IPS this evening,
several hours after reporters asked spokesmen at the White House and
State Department for an explanation of the October 1993 report which
had surfaced in connection with a lawsuit against the Revolutionary
Front for Haitian Advancement and Progress (FRAPH).
The lawsuit concerns Alerte Belance, a 32-year-old woman who was severely
maimed in October, 1993, when FRAPH members broke into her home in Haiti
and attacked her with machetes. Represented by the New York-based Center
for Constitutional Rights (CCR), Belance has sued FRAPH under the Alien
Tort Claims Act, a law that allows non-U.S. citizens legal
recourse for the abuse of their rights abroad.
In pursuing the case, CCR has subpoenaed documents on FRAPH from a number
of U.S. agencies, including the CIA which recently handed over the heavily
censored October 1993 report by the Directorate of Intelligence, the
CIA's analytical wing.
"In early to mid-October, (Brig. Gen. Philippe) Biamby and his
associates coordinated the murder of Justice Minister Guy Malary, which
took place on 14 October, with members of the Revolutionary Front for
Haitian Advancement and Progress (FRAPH)," states the memo.
After a half-line of text blacked out by CIA censors, the document goes
on: "FRAPH members Jodel Chamblain, Emmanuel Constant and Gabriel
Douzable met with an unidentified military officer on the morning of
14 October to discuss plans to kill Malary."
Gunmen shot and killed the 50-year-old Malary and two aides later that
day in a bloody ambush, just as they were leaving the ministry in downtown
Port-au-Prince. His assassination effectively scuttled the U.S.- and
U.N.-sponsored Governor's Island accord which was to have ensured Aristide's
restoration by the end of October, 1993.
After Malary's assassination, FRAPH, backed by the military regime which
seized power and exiled Aristide in September 1991, intensified what
became a reign of terror against suspected Aristide supporters and their
The intelligence official who spoke with IPS says that the blacked-out
portion of the sentence states: "An untested source reported..."
He said it was unclear why the censors had decided to delete this. Normally,
the censors are instructed to black out information which could reveal
the agency's "sources and methods," invade the privacy of
U.S. citizens, or otherwise jeopardize U.S. national security. But "an
untested source" appears to fall outside all of those categories.
If the source's account were true, the implications are potentially
explosive, because Constant, who says he founded FRAPH at the suggestion
of U.S. intelligence officials, has stated frequently that he was paid
$ 500 a month by the CIA between 1992 and 1994. The CIA has never denied
a relationship with Constant.
Constant fled to the United States in December 1994, three months after
a U.N.-sanctioned intervention by mainly U.S. forces helped restore
the exiled Aristide to power. In May, 1995, his visa was revoked by
Secretary of State Warren Christopher on the grounds that his presence
here constituted a threat to U.S. foreign policy interests.
But U.S. officials refused to deport him to Haiti despite an extradition
request by the Haitian government which has filed charges of arson,
kidnapping, murder and torture.
Instead, he was released from a U.S. Immigration Service jail last June
and is reportedly living with relatives in New York.
Washington, which has also reportedly agreed to deport him to a third
country if he so chooses, says the judicial system in Haiti is too weak
to handle his prosecution at this time.
Disclosure of the document's existence and contents, if true, would
likely increase pressure on Washington to return Constant to Haiti.
The intelligence official who spoke with IPS said the CIA's December
1995 study covered the assassinations of Antoine Izmery, who was also
slain in 1993, and of Father Jean-Marie Vincent, who was machine-gunned
to death in Port-au-Prince in Aug, 1994, as well as that of Malary.
But he said he could not discuss the findings in those cases.
© Copyright IPS 1996. For fair use only/ pour usage équitable
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