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Q & A with President Preval
Miami Herald, Oct. 18, 2006

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Latortue's Legacy Myrtha Desulme, Jamacain Gleaner, Oct. 22, 2006
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Children growing up without deported mom by Dianna Smith, Palm Beach Post Staff Writer, Oct. 22, 2006

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October 17, 2006, the bicentennial of Dessalines' assassination - Join HLLN, throughout the month of October, 2006 in celebrating the life, triumphs, achievements and ideal of Haiti's revolutionary hero and founding father
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Oct. 17, 2006 marks 200 years since
the struggle against neocolonialism
in Haiti began, we still say, thank
you Jean Jacques Dessalines, for
being so far ahead of your time

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Three Historical Documents on Dessalines' Assassination

 
Jean Jacques Dessalines








Dessalines Is Rising!!Ayisyen: You Are Not Alone!

 

 

 

  What's in a name?
Some names horrify enslavers, tyrants and despots,
everywhere...
 
Jean Jacques Dessalines

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dessalines' Zero Tolerance for despots- We will detonate and burn Haiti down and all rather die before we are returned to slavery and colonialism: Desalin di: Depi teritwa nou an menase, "koupe tèt, boule kay" paske Ayisyen pap retounen lan esklavaj

 

"Sèl blan ki bon blan se blan k met fizi sou move blan yo" (Moriso Lewa, on Jean Jacques Desalin "Blan Mannan")

"Dessalines who is my history teacher
tells me the only good white
is the white that shoots the bad whites" (Moriso Lewa, "Blan Mannan")

 
 







 

Who killed Dessalines?
Petion/Gerin- the Insurgent/Reactionary Mulatto Generals more allied to French/colonial economic and cultural interests than the Haitian majority.
F
ollowing Dessalines' assassination, under the long Mulatto and Eurocentric presidencies of Petion (12years) and Boyer (25years), the name Dessalines was execrated, declared loathsome, cursed, not allowed to be spoken. Neocolonialism had begun in Haiti, would be formalized with Boyer's "Independence Debtand the legacy of the impunity and undemocratic offenses of one class and sector of Haitian society, continues to this day…This elite with their foreign allies cannot accept the principal of one
citizen-one vote because it would mean that they would lose their privileges and influence. Hence the Feb. 29, 2004 coup d'etat and current UN protectorate which pursues the interests of foreigners and their black overseers in Haiti.
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To live free or die trying, Another Haitian Independence Day under occupation.....But as you read Noreiga’s racist and immoral lies that seek to mask the Boca Raton regime’s barbarity as Haitian “progress” that is worthy of international support, remember: A zombie’s mutterings are meaningless.

Ayi Kwei Armah explains what’s to be done with such predators and their blan-peyi Haitian lackeys, for they are dead: “Leave them in their graves. Whatever waking form they wear, the stench of death pours ceaseless from their mouths. From every opening of their possessed carcasses comes death’s excremental pus. Their soul itself is dead and long since putrefied. Would you have your intercourse with these creatures from the graveyard?”

NO. Leave the dead in their graves. Speak your righteous message not to these “long rotted ash” but address your message, my people, to the living and look only to Dessaline’s descendants worldwide. His legacy is liberty. Speak to liberty lovers. Empower the world’s lovers of liberty.
........
Excerpt from Kanga Mundele: Our mission to live free or die trying, Another Haitian Independence Day under occupation From, by Marguerite Laurent, Haitian Perspectives, January 1, 2006

Q & A with Haitian President Renè Prèval

BY JACQUELINE CHARLES
jcharles@MiamiHerald.com
| miamiherald.com

Miami Herald reporter Jacqueline Charles conducted an interview with Haitian President René Préval on Oct. 18. The following is a transcript of that interview:

• Q: Your government and U.N. peacekeepers known as MINUSTAH recently launched a program to disarm armed gangs and reinsert their members into civilian life, known as DDR. How is that working?

• A: We have spoken to the gang leaders and they have turned in guns. And today, they not only have turned in guns, but they have sent people into the DDR ... There are 110 people in the program.

• Q: There is definitely a stepped up police presence in Port-au-Prince.

• A: The police recently entered (the long-violent slum of) Cité Soleil and the population was happy. This was done with an accord of the gang leaders and the population. It was not done in confrontation, but in dialogue. You will see in the metropolitan zone there are a lot of policemen in the streets. But we have to give them more materials to do their jobs; that means more cars, motorcycles and more radios. There are 500 new police recruits preparing to graduate. There is already a significant diminishing of insecurity. The police are giving people an increased sense of security.

• Q: You've said strengthening the police and justice systems are top priorities. What are your plans?

• A:We are going to do a reform of the police with vetting, with the changing of certain commanders and giving them more means to do their jobs ... We need to improve the conditions in which they eat, improve their health insurance and in the future, increase their salary. A police officer now receives $200 a month, which means he can just barely pay his house. This salary makes it easy for police to be corrupted.

• Q:What about judicial reforms?

• A:You have to strengthen the justice system. The prosecutor is working with the police to make sure when the police makes an arrest, it is done so correctly. He's working with the police in building their cases. We have to make an effort to put kidnappers and thieves before the law.''

• Q: What about corruption?

• A: This is a government pushing transparency. For example, each month we will publish on the Internet all of the money that comes into the government, and all of the money spent by the government. Even the (presidential) palace will have to say how much the president's trips cost.

• Q: In addition to the various commissions investigating corruption complaints, what else is the government doing to address this?

• A: We have a law we are going to introduce, where the president, ministers, everybody who has authorization to sign government checks, will have to declare every year their assets. Do you have a car, a house, jewelry, bank account, investments? All of your assets, you will have to declare. It's one of the weapons against corruption.

• Q: What about the state-owned telephone company, Teleco?

• A: Today Teleco is losing money ...We are going to have Teleco ... become a mixed company, government/private-owned. When you are doing telecommunications you want someone who knows what they are doing and who has money to invest in it ... No deputies, senators, ministers, are going to put their people in there because the private sector won't accept it.

• Q: Teleco and others government workers who were fired during the previous transition government continue to demand their jobs back.

• A: The people who were fired during the transition, we won't leave them behind. We will talk to them. Those who are inside Teleco right now, we are going to make a lot of them leave as well. So we arrive at the necessary amount of people at Teleco ... We are not going to do demagogy or partisan politics, to put people in so they can shout Long Live Préval!''

• Q: Haiti has been called one of the most corrupt places in the world. Do you believe you can change this?

• A: We are underdeveloped in everything, and we are underdeveloped in corruption too. If they are looking for a country that has corruption, I don't believe Haiti is the model of corruption. I believe Haiti has a weakness in fighting corruption but it's petty corruption; it's not big corruption ... If you put it proportion to the problems of the country, it resembles big corruption. But if you look at other countries, we are not yet strong in corruption.

• Q: Why do you believe it's so hard to get foreigners to invest in Haiti?

A: It's not insecurity that makes people not come and invest in Haiti. There is an inordinate amount of kidnappings, if not more, in other countries whose names I won't mention. The problem in Haiti is a lack of political security ... Once you can guarantee that there is political stability, that another government is not going to come and change the game, there will be investments... It's a problem of the image of Haiti. Once we change it, people will return to invest.

• Q: During your U.S. visit earlier this year, you lobbied on behalf of the stalled HOPE trade bill that could bring thousands of apparel assembly jobs to Haiti. Do you believe the U.S. Congress will approve it?

• A: It's one of the things that can help to create job and stabilize the political situation, by removing the economic pressure. I hope the U.S. congressmen and the administration will understand the importance HOPE has for Haiti...I've done all the lobbying I can.''

• Q: Critics charge that the shift of about $3 million in the government's budget to study the creation of a better-armed ''policing'' group may be an attempt to re-create the army, which was abolished in 1995. You've said it isn't.

• A: For me, the public (security) force that we need is a (defense force) to survey boats, the frontier and intervene in natural disasters. Protection of the airport, the ports, that's not the work of the police.

• Q: Sixty-five percent of the $1.6 billion budget Haiti recently adopted relies on foreign aid. What are you doing to ensure that promised foreign aid actually arrives?

• A: Money has been promised, but a lot of that money is going into the non-governmental organizations. That is the first problem. That is why we insist right now they give us budget support. Even if they they say the money is earmarked for specific projects, it's the Haitian government that will decide how to divvy up the money ... Because the government was weak it had no choice but to go through the NGOs. But eventually the government needs to take control of the NGOs without (alienating) them ... They have to do things in conjunction with the government, otherwise it won't be effective.

• Q: Some peasant organizations are demanding land reform. Do you have any plans to address this?

• A: The problem in Haiti is, if you take the titles to property and put them next to each other, you would find that Haiti is five times bigger than it is in reality. And all of those documents are valid. They are official. They are good. But that leads to fights. You have to resolve the question of property in the rural zones. Who really owns the land? If a person doesn't have assurances that the property really is theirs, they are not going to invest in it .... You see all of the houses in the (slums), there are no titles for them. It's dead capital because the person cannot sell it, they cannot take a loan out on it at the bank ... We are going to work on this.

• Q: You definitely have better relations with MINUSTAH than the interim government. What happened?

• A: What has changed is Haiti right now has a legitimate government and this legitimate government has a will to take the country by the hand. That's why at the donors conference, we were the ones who did the documents. We didn't say give us what you have or what you want, we put together the documents and said 'here are our needs.' And with MINUSTAH we said here is what we would like for you to do; they meanwhile did what they were able to within the limits of their mandates. I believe they are really happy to find a government that says what it wants.

• Q: The government has been criticized for giving each of the 129 members of parliament a $15,000 stipend toward the purchase of a car.

• A: The deputy is someone who comes from the province .... Just like the president has a car, same as the ministers have a car, he needs a car so that he can go home, go to work and return to the province .... He doesn't have any money. Now we have two choices. Buy a car for every deputy, a car that costs $40,000 ... We gave them $15,000, toward the $40,000 to buy a new car. The government has already saved $25,000.

© 2006 MiamiHerald.com and wire service sources. All Rights Reserved.
http://www.miami.com

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October 17, 2006, the bicentennial of Dessalines' assassination - Join HLLN, throughout the month of October, 2006 in celebrating the life, triumphs, achievements and ideal of Haiti's revolutionary hero and founding father
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October 17 - A Day of Heroes, (See last years commemoration)
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Mesi Papa Dessalines
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Three ideals of Dessalines
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Kouwòn pou Defile
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Libète Ou La
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Dessalines' Songs *La Dessalinienne
Haiti's National Anthem-
(audio of La Dessalinienne
)
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Defile Manman "Chimè?"
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What's in a name?
Some names horrify enslavers, tyrants and despots, everywhere...

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Dessalines' Law
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Blan Mannan by Feliks Moriso Lewa
(English translation
)

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Haiti: Latortue's legacy
published: Sunday | October 22, 2006
http://www.jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20061022/focus/focus7.html
Myrtha Désulmé, Contributor


Last month, an alarming new report on human rights abuses in Haiti
under the interim Government, by two social work scholars, Athena Kolbe and
Dr. Royce Hutson of Wayne State University, was published in the
British medical journal The Lancet. The report studied eight types of human
rights violations: property crimes, arrests and prolonged illegal
detentions, physical assaults, sexual assaults, murders including
extrajudicial killings and politically motivated executions, death threats, and
threats of sexual or physical violence.

Households numbering 1,260 were interviewed during the survey period,
accounting for 5,720 residents. To estimate the total number of victims
in the region, the researchers applied crude rates to the estimated
population of the greater Port-au-Prince area in 2003 (2,121,000). From
219 murders and 1,698 sexual assaults, which were reported to them during
the survey, they extrapolated that 8,000 people had been murdered and
35,000 women and girls had been raped in Port-au-Prince alone, during
the 22-month period. The numbers seem shockingly high, and somewhat
exaggerated, but the researchers nevertheless maintain that the
extrapolation formula applied to this random sampling method is standard.
These human rights abuses were allegedly perpetrated by the police,
members of the disbanded Haitian army, organised anti-Lavalas paramilitary
groups, partisans of Lavalas, criminals, unidentified masked armed men,
foreign soldiers, and others (including neighbours, friends, and family
members).

Disastrous embargoes

Under the pretext of encouraging the development of democracy in Haiti,
the U.S. has imposed several disastrous embargoes, which have crippled
its fragile economy and traumatised its people. Unemployment has
soared. Urban violence has spiralled.

Economic stagnation fosters the struggle for scarce benefits, which can
be exploited by demagogues, the politically ambitious, and vested
interests, foreign and local, intent on monopolising the means of
production, the sources of wealth, and of economic and political power.
Extreme poverty breeds illiteracy and miserable governance, which in
turn intensifies hunger and instability. Expectations from rationalist
theories of crime, civil war and social unrest, are that violence will
rise as income per capita, education, and economic growth decline. This
is due either to the declining opportunity cost of violence, (the less
people have to lose, the more likely they are to create mayhem), or to
the decline in state capacity, which are two competing causal
mechanisms. If the state is weak and cannot effectively police its territory, a
greater supply of agitators will become available to the rabble rousers.
Education reduces the available supply of potential rebels.
Unemployment increases it.

Violent conflict will occur when it is expected to be more profitable
than peace, and there is a difficulty in structuring a credible
agreement, which avoids war or other forms of conflict. Theories of relative
deprivation expect violence to rise as a result of higher inequality.
Persistent inequality leads to anger and despair, which reinforces the
demand for political change.

The only lasting solution for Haiti is the same as for every other
destabilised country - stimulation of its economy and wealth creation. A
sound framework which combines key public investments - roads, power,
public health and safe water, with the creation of long-term economic
options, such as the improvement of access to schools, and the development
of sustainable agriculture. Great gains need to be achieved in
education, farming, health and income levels.

Preval has his work cut out for him. Last month, Sorel François,
president of the Foreign Affairs Commission of the House of Deputies,
declared that more than U.S. $6 million, not counting luxury vehicles, were
misappropriated by the Foreign Affairs Ministry over the two-year
administration of interim Prime Minister Gerard Latortue.

Preval has also inherited a disastrous human rights situation, which
demands a serious and urgent response. He has so far been successful in
liberating the more high profile political prisoners, but there are many
more he needs to deal with. He does not yet control the judiciary,
however, because in December, 2005, P.M. Latortue unconstitutionally
replaced half of the Supreme Court judges, after the court ruled against him
in the controversial case of candidates with double nationalities, who
were barred from participating in the presidential elections.

Replacements were unilaterally selected by the executive, and those judges
remain on the bench, resisting the liberation of political prisoners.

Haitians see MINUSTAH, the two-year-old U.N. "stabilisation" force, as
occupiers, or worse, "tourists with guns", who are being paid to kill
them. DDR (Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration), was the first
mandate of the U.N. peace-keeping force, but they have failed miserably
at it. Unless MINUSTAH can live up to its original mandate of
stabilisation, the US$25 million per month, which it is costing, would be better
utilised in assisting starving and dislocated Haitians, who cannot earn
a living in the prevailing chaos. With the war of attrition, which is
being waged against the Haitian people since the last aid embargo,
dating from 2000, US$25 million per month could go a long way towards
providing food, water, and basic necessities, rebuilding infrastructure,
sewage systems and utilities, providing social services such as health
care, garbage collection, sanitation, education, the list is endless. It is
precisely the fact that the people are forced to live in such miserable
conditions, which undermine their human dignity, which is exacerbating
the problem.

No one knows for sure how many weapons are out there. The general
estimate is 30,000. Last month, President Preval warned gangs based in the
sprawling slums of Port-au-Prince to disarm or face death. Up to 1,000
rank-and-file gang members, who voluntarily lay down arms and rejoin
society, will be eligible for the programme, the biggest disarmament
effort of the U.N. peace-keeping mission yet.

U.N. envoy, Edmond Mulet, said that gang members participating in the
programme will receive ID cards entitling them to money, medical
assistance, food for their families and training for jobs. The initiative
targets only rank-and-file gang members. Top gang leaders in the capital's
volatile Cite Soleil slum have indicated a willingness to disarm, and
the decision to leave them out sets up a potential showdown with the
Government.

What Haiti needs is assistance in building up institutions for local
governance and democracy. It is imperative that Haiti change its
political culture, and adhere to CARICOM's Charter of Civil Society. Haiti
could take a page out of the British Caribbean's political traditions, such
as the two-party Westminster system, of which her Majesty's Loyal
Opposition forms an integral part. The main political problem in Haiti is
that the Opposition is the enemy. When one starts out with that premise,
it is quite difficult to manoeuvre a conflictive situation to the point
where all parties can sit around a table and negotiate, or even agree
to disagree, accept the opponent's right to his opinion, and coexist
amicably.

Channelling conflict

Higher incomes and educational attainment reduce the risk of political
violence by encouraging political participation, and channelling
conflict through institutional pathways rather than violence. The U.N., the
OAS, and the international community should be offering economic
assistance for reconstruction, and training in negotiation skills for conflict
resolution, in order to achieve a new social contract leading to
national reconciliation. Erasing Haiti's debt, restoring constitutional rule,
ending arbitrary embargoes and sinking significant resources into
public health, public education and public infrastructure, would ultimately
be central to addressing, and indeed, solving Haiti's social problems.
Myrtha Désulmé is the President of the Haiti-Jamaica Society.


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Children growing up without deported mom
By Dianna Smith
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer
Sunday, October 22, 2006

WEST PALM BEACH — They are ages 5 and 3. Twin boys and a dainty girl too young to know about the impoverished country of Haiti, too young to be told that Haiti is where their mother is now trapped.

"My mommy, she's in the hospital," the boys often say to those who arrive at their cozy home, where photographs displayed on shelves give visitors a glimpse of a family with a happy, hopeful life.

And it was. Until seven months ago.

The boys point to a framed picture of a pretty woman in a yellow dress with long hair, smiling faintly for a camera. She's coming home, they say. But no one knows when.

Mommy is Marie Michou Daniel, deported this year for disobeying a judge's order to return to Haiti, her native country, which she fled nine years ago. Her children are American citizens simply because they were born on American soil. They are unaware that their mother, because she was born on Haitian soil, is no longer here.

"They used to cry a lot. So I told them she had an accident and is in the hospital," said their grandmother, Roselene Massolas, a legal citizen because of a political twist of fate. She is living in her daughter's West Palm Beach home. "If they know she's at the hospital, the hospital is in the United States. If they think she's in Haiti, it is too far away."

Daniel was one of 153,026 people that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers deported between October 2005 and July. Of those, 3,572 were from Florida. Her children — twin sons Marvin and Garvin and daughter Cherby — are among the estimated 3 million children of undocumented parents who are U.S.-born citizens, according to the Washington-based Urban Institute, a nonpartisan economic and social policy research organization.

And these children, who daily face the prospect that their parents suddenly will be swept away, are some of the more emotional threads that weave the fabric of the nationwide immigration debate.

Their grandmother cannot read; and does not speak English; nor does she drive. And though she's lived here for 11 years, she does not know how to do the simple things expected from American mothers: teaching the boys to count to 20 in English, celebrating their birthdays, managing when they're sick.

The Immigration Advocacy Center in Miami learns of families such as Daniel's frequently, executive director Cheryl Little said.

"We're seeing parents separated from their children on a regular basis," Little said. "Families are faced with having to make a difficult decision: Do they uproot their children and take them where they may not be safe, or do they leave them in the United States? These are heartbreaking decisions to make."

Sinai Missionary Baptist Church in Greenacres is helping Massolas raise the children the way her daughter did before she was arrested in January. Members of the congregation help pay the family's bills, take the children on outings and deliver boxes filled with American food that Massolas is learning to cook. They also teach the children how to speak Creole because, until now, English has been their language of choice.

Tears streamed down Massolas' face one evening this month as she spoke remorsefully of these things. She tried to wipe away each drop for fear the children would see, but her tears fell much too quickly, just the way her daughter left.
"I don't know what I'm going to do with them. I'm not part of the culture," said Massolas, 44. "Every day they ask, 'When will my mother be home?' "

The Rev. Pierre Gregoire Saint-Louis of Sinai Missionary plucked a phone card from a plastic bag and dialed one of the many phone numbers that Daniel has left with her mother.

"Hello?" the pastor said. "Marie Michou Daniel?"

This is how her family contacts her now. The church donates phone cards so Massolas can call at least once a week. They have about 20 minutes to pack in as much conversation as possible, trying to avoid the tears and the heartache so Daniel can hear how her children are growing without her.

Marvin and Garvin have lost baby teeth, three from one, four from the other. Cherby is getting too big for her grandma to carry. She needs new clothes. The 5-year-old boys want help with their homework. They're already talking about Christmas and decorating a tree.

Sometimes, the children grab the phone from their grandmother, pressing it tight to their ears like they are hugging their mother.

"Mommy? I love you," Marvin said in his squeaky voice, pacing the living room floor like a grown-up on a business call. "How are you? Are they giving you a shot? Let me go with you. ... I love you."

Conversations like this make Massolas' head spin. But phone calls like the next one scare her even more.

From a friend's phone in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Daniel's voice trembles this night. She's quick to talk of the murder she witnessed in 1997. A man held a gun to her neighbor's head and shot three times. Daniel began receiving death threats. So she fled the country of an estimated 8 million, where the uneducated and the poor outnumber the professionals and the rich.

Daniel came to the United States in 1997 with a photo-switch passport and was arrested as soon as she tried to make it through customs at Miami International Airport. She was paroled after stating that she had fled Haiti because she feared for her life. She filed paperwork for political asylum, obtained a work permit and started to work odd jobs in Palm Beach County.

She became a certified nursing assistant, eventually had her twins and then her daughter. She saved enough money to buy a house and filled it with furniture and a family she had always wanted — all the while, not knowing how long she could stay.

"I didn't want to return to Haiti because of the political turmoil and because I'm a single mother," Daniel, 30, said on the phone that night. "I was very scared."

When her political asylum was denied in 1999, she appealed. And when she learned the appeal, too, was denied, she made a decision to remain in the United States anyway. By then, she'd had her children and was afraid to take them to a country where kidnappings are common and violence is the norm.

But on Jan. 30, Daniel's happy, hopeful American life abruptly came to an end when she got into a minor car accident on U.S. 441 in suburban West Palm Beach. She had just dropped the twins off at school and her daughter at day care. Before they said goodbye, Cherby asked her mother what she was going to do. Daniel said she was going to work and planned to buy groceries to try a new recipe for dinner.

The police officer at the accident noticed there was a lien on Daniel's driver license. She was taken into custody and sent to Krome Detention Center near Miami, where she was imprisoned for almost a month until a guard woke her at 3 one morning. He told her to gather her belongings because she was going home. Daniel, at first, was excited.

But "home" meant Haiti.

"We were devastated by this," said attorney Mark Citrin of Citrin and Goldstein, the Miami firm that handled Daniel's case. Citrin has practiced immigration law for 19 years. "We expected an officer to be sympathetic. We were dumbfounded the government could be that cold."

Paul Goldstein expected Daniel to remain in the United States under supervision, where she would be required to meet with immigration officers frequently. Instead, the Department of Homeland Security immediately denied the request to stay because she did not have a passport. Goldstein rebutted, explaining why there wasn't one.

A few weeks passed before Goldstein received a phone call from a friend of Daniel's informing him she was gone.

"We basically said, 'Sending this lady back could be a death sentence,' " Goldstein said. "Your heart goes out to somebody like that. The children basically became orphans."

Children or not, parent or not ” that does no't matter to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Anyone who violates the law, regardless of their circumstances, will face the consequences.

"It's really unfortunate the parents put their children in that situation by breaking the law," said Barbara Gonzalez, an ICE spokeswoman in Miami. "Someone who is ordered removed ... our obligation as a law enforcement agency is to enforce that order."

Ira Mehlman, spokesman for the Federation for American Immigration Reform, said parents who break immigration laws deserve no sympathy.

"In any other situation in which a parent violates the law and the children suffer as a result, we hold the parents responsible," Mehlman said.

He said FAIR, a national nonprofit organization that advocates tougher immigration laws, questions the interpretation of the 14th Amendment that allows automatic citizenship to children born in the United States. FAIR does not believe citizenship should be granted to the children of illegal parents.

"There have been bills floating around Congress that would change the interpretation," Mehlman said. "We are certainly in favor of that."

Daniel is living among friends in Haiti's capital. Like many Haitians denied political asylum who are forced to return, she does not stay in one place long because she's afraid that those who once threatened her will come for her.

Work is scarce in Haiti, so Daniel does not have a job. She has few belongings, just what her mother and church have mailed in the past seven months. That includes snapshots of her boys on their first day of kindergarten and the preschool graduation she regretfully missed. The twins saved the red caps and gowns they wore that day for their mother to see. Just as they've saved the seven baby teeth.

"There's no peace for me right now," Daniel said in the phone call. "The children ask when I'm coming back. They say, 'Mommy, you've left us.' I keep lying to them. I know I'm lying to them. I say I'm coming back. I have hope that I will. But I don't know how it's going to happen."

Massolas sat near the pastor and listened carefully to her daughter as the tears continued to fall. Daniel told the pastor that while traveling outside Port-au-Prince this month, her bus was hijacked by men with machine guns. No one was hurt. She was fine. But that may not be the case next time.

The pastor suddenly told Daniel they must say goodbye. Their minutes were up.
Massolas buried her head in her hands, while the children, so lighthearted, so innocent, tried their best to console her.

"It's OK, it's OK," said Garvin, stroking her hair gently with his tiny right hand. "She's coming home soon."

Massolas fled to the United States in 1995 for political reasons, and she became a legal resident after President Clinton signed the Haitian Refugee Immigration Fairness Act in 1998. The law enabled many Haitians who had fled to America before 1996 to apply for lawful permanent resident status without first having to apply for an immigrant visa.

Because Haiti is politically unstable, Haitian communities and activists in the United States repeatedly have demanded that the government grant Temporary Protected Status for Haitians. TPS has been granted to refugees from war-torn countries, including Somalia, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Sudan. It never has been granted to Haitians, even during the ravaging floods and mudslides unleashed by Tropical Storm Jeanne in 2004 that killed more than 3,000 people in the city of Gonaives.

The Immigration Advocacy Center has written numerous letters to government officials requesting TPS for Haitians. Even Gerard Latortue, a Boca Raton retiree, sent a letter of support while serving as Haiti's interim prime minister.

"Haitians don't have political clout that other immigrant groups do," Little said. "This administration knows full well they can discriminate against the Haitians and not many people are going to care."

The pastor said family and friends plan to seek legal action to see whether Daniel can return on humanitarian parole, usually granted to people with special circumstances, such as the severely ill who need medical attention abroad.

But attorneys Citrin and Goldstein said it's doubtful that would work.

Daniel is banned from the United States for 10 years because she was ordered to leave. When the children turn 21, they can petition for her to return, but because she committed immigration fraud when she used the photo-switch passport, she would need a waiver for the fraud.

"We've had three from Haiti just like this," Citrin said. "Nobody wants to give Haitians TPS."

Saint-Louis has sent letters to local congressmen pleading for help. He plans to visit Daniel during a trip to Haiti this month.

"We are Christians, and we are immigrants," he said of his congregation. "We understand. People, when they are facing safety problems in their country, they have a great perception of America as the land of freedom. You have to bring some hope for these people. That's all you can count on: prayer and hope."
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Dessalines Is Rising!!
Ayisyen: You Are Not Alone!


"When you make a choice, you mobilize vast human energies and resources which otherwise go untapped...........If you limit your choices only to what seems possible or reasonable, you disconnect yourself from what you truly want and all that is left is a compromise." Robert Fritz

 
 
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HLLN's controvesy
with Marine
Spokesman,
US occupiers
Lt. Col. Dave Lapan faces off with the Network
International
Solidarity Day Pictures & Articles
May 18, 2005
Pictures and Articles Witness Project
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Drèd Wilme, A Hero for the 21st Century

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Pèralte Speaks!

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Yvon Neptune's
Letter From Jail
Pacot
-
April 20, 2005

(Kreyol & English)
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Click photo for larger image
Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme - on "Wanted poster" of suspects wanted by the Haitian police.
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Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme speaks:
Radio Lakou New York, April 4, 2005 interview with Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme
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The
Crucifiction of
Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme,
a historical
perspective

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Urgent Action:
Demand a Stop
to the Killings
in Cite Soleil

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Sample letters &
Contact info
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Denounce Canada's role in Haiti: Canadian officials Contact Infomation
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Urge the Caribbean Community to stand firm in not recognizing the illegal Latortue regime:

Selected CARICOM Contacts
Key
CARICOM
Email
Addresses
zilibutton Slide Show at the July 27, 2004 Haiti Forum Press Conference during the DNC in Boston honoring those who stand firm for Haiti and democracy; those who tell the truth about Haiti; Presenting the Haiti Resolution, and; remembering Haiti's revolutionary legacy in 2004 and all those who have lost life or liberty fighting against the Feb. 29, 2004 Coup d'etat and its consequences
     
 
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