Press
Release: International Crisis Group
http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?l=1&id=4475&m=1
Haiti: Security and Reintegration
of the State
Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 30 October 2006: Security remains Haiti’s
top challenge, and the new president has only a small window of
opportunity to re-establish the state’s authority.
Haiti:
Security and the Reintegration of the State,*
the latest policy briefing from the International Crisis Group,
examines the security challenges facing René Préval,
including youth gangs, drug trafficking, kidnappings and corruption
in the Haitian National Police (HNP), and outlines what needs
to be done to create a stable environment. The Préval administration
must simultaneously tackle the pervasive violence while launching
infrastructure and development projects to combat extreme poverty
and give people reason to trust in government.
“Haiti will turn the corner only when citizens sense a reappearance
of state sovereignty and the rule of law in daily life”,
says Mark Schneider, Crisis Group Senior Vice President. “That
will require cleaning up the HNP, wiping out the perception of
the state as a means to personal enrichment and opening up opportunities
for the poor”.
The state security apparatus is as much a source of the problem
as the solution. Reform has been attempted and failed repeatedly
since the fall of the Duvalier dictatorship and the upheavals
of the 1990s. Insecurity, violence and impunity continued after
the turbulent departure of President Aristide in 2004, leaving
a legacy of violence and poverty for the five-month old Préval
government and the UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH).
The HNP is spread thin, poorly equipped, minimally trained and
unable to confront the smuggling of drugs, weapons, contraband
and human beings through the country’s porous ports and
borders. While police and judicial incompetence and corruption
and gang violence cannot be eradicated immediately, unambiguous
steps are needed, including: vetting and retraining police officers,
training and hiring new judges, securing ports and border crossings
and vigorously enforcing with gang leaders and members alike the
recently begun disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration initiative.
All these measures must be formally announced, urgently implemented
and transparently monitored.
The international community should reinforce the UN police with
more security and anti-gang specialists, including SWAT teams
and crime investigators, as well as finance highly visible infrastructure
and jobs programs. And it must recognise that there are no quick
fixes and commit for a least a decade to Haiti’s recovery.
“The longer security remains an issue, the more it will
be to the detriment of other much needed areas of socio-economic
development which are essential to creating a stable environment
in Haiti”, says Alain Deletroz, Crisis Group’s Latin
America Program Director.
Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 541 1635
Kimberly Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1601
To contact Crisis Group media
*Read the full Crisis Group briefing on our website: http://www.crisisgroup.org
***********************
Haiti: Security and
the Reintegration of the State
30 octobre 2006
Source: International
Crisis Group or the full and complete pdf of the original
Crisis
Group report
OVERVIEW
Security is the core challenge for new President René Préval
and the UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH). Violence and impunity,
rooted in the state’s weakness, are pervasive, especially
in Port-au-Prince. Haiti’s five-month-old government must
confront the illegal armed gangs, break the international crime/political
power at ports and borders and cope with rising drug trafficking
and kidnapping. Armed gangs and criminals, including elements
of the Haitian National Police (HNP), perpetrate the violence
but it is also fostered by the worst poverty in the Western Hemisphere.
Dismantling the gangs and pursuing serious police reform are critical
to every broader goal of the new administration, from education
reform, infrastructure, private sector investment, jobs and agriculture
to governance.
Conditions in Port-au-Prince dominate international perceptions.
The provinces, where some 60 per cent of Haitians live, may be
quiet but press and politicians respond to events in the capital.
And impunity still rules across the entire country. The HNP are
spread thin, poorly equipped, minimally trained and unable to
confront any regional smuggling threats such as drugs, weapons,
contraband and human trafficking coming through the porous ports
and borders. Small planes operate with virtual freedom from make-shift
airstrips in the countryside, whether carrying cocaine from Colombia
or other illicit cargo.
The state security apparatus is as much a source of the problem
as a solution. The HNP, along with the judicial system, is in
dire need of reform. For two decades, donors have initiated police
reform and judicial development projects and spent tens of millions
of dollars. The 1987 constitution provided for an academy to train
judges; the military was disbanded and the HNP instituted in 1995.
None of these efforts have overcome endemic corruption, patronage
and perception of the state as a means to personal enrichment.
New plans have again been drafted to restructure the police and
judiciary: the Haitian National Police Reform Plan and the Strategic
Plan for the Reform of Justice in Haiti. These, especially the
police reform that includes vetting current officers, must be
announced formally, implemented urgently and monitored transparently
on a rigorous timetable. Judicial reform presents even more complexities,
some constitutional, others requiring parliament’s approval
and some, including nominations of new judges, needing a local
government apparatus that does not yet exist. It is critical to
the success of police reform and to building a rule of law that
protects citizens and has their respect.
Protecting citizens also is a central goal of proposals to dismantle
urban gangs in Port-au-Prince. With the newly appointed National
Commission on Disarmament, Dismantlement and Reintegration (NCDDR),
the government has put into place a three-part strategy for dealing
with the gang-related violence and kidnappings that at times have
paralysed the capital:
*
Since early August, MINUSTAH has been squeezing the gangs by seizing
and holding their territory, including with checkpoints on the
roads leading into and out of the slum areas.
*
The disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) program
for gang members has been linked to community development and
violence reduction projects for the communities designed to create
jobs, infrastructure and visible services and bolster the state’s
presence in Cité Soleil, Bel Air, Martissant and other
armed group strongholds. If gang members refuse to disarm, they
are to be targeted by special HNP units backed by MINUSTAH troops
and police (UNPOL).
*
The NCDDR is to coordinate the disarmament and violence reduction
strategy and improve what has been a woeful effort to communicate
with the public.
With support from UNPOL and MINUSTAH, the authorities also must
begin to break up the networks that exploit the lack of rule of
law at nearly all Haiti’s ports and border crossings. Estimates
are that between $100 million and $240 million are lost each year
in uncollected customs and port revenues. Transparent accounting
and utilisation of port and border revenues could go a long way
towards encouraging tax compliance and cutting down on illegal
drug trafficking and smuggling, while effective law enforcement
in selected port and border crossings also would encourage foreign
direct investment.
None of the needed reforms will happen quickly: citizens’
trust has been deeply damaged over two decades of fitful democratic
transition, and the state neither yet possesses nor is seen to
possess the monopoly on legitimate use of force that a functioning
state must have. Immediate practical steps for the new government
and MINUSTAH to take, with financial and technical aid from donors,
include:
*
implementing the National Police Reform Plan by setting a timetable
to vet every officer, retaining, retraining, arming and mentoring
those who are cleared, while removing the others but giving those
against whom no criminal charges are pending a soft landing in
a retraining program;
*
completing the database and registration of all police officers
and their weapons, and applying standards for recruitment, merit-based
promotion, career development and a new code of conduct;
*
building the 200 commissariats called for in the police reform
plan and considering co-locating some with health clinics, legal
aid offices and potable water sources, where women and children
gather;
*
physically taking back control of the docks and border crossings
and ensuring customs and ports fees are paid into the state treasury;
*
building a viable vetting procedure into the justice reform plan
so as to target and remove corrupt judges, creating special chambers
of respected jurists to handle the most serious cases and using
ad hoc panels with international advisers to review pre-trial
detentions; and
*
dismantling the gangs and reducing community violence by retraining
and reintegrating into society gang members who disarm, prosecuting
with a degree of leniency the leaders who turn state’s evidence
and end their criminal conduct and giving no quarter to those
who refuse to cooperate.
Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 30 October 2006
|
***********************
Ezili Dantò Note:
Below, Coup Plotter, Stanley Lucas
of IRI, writes about "Management Without Principle..."!!!!
The IRI man who, according to NY Times "tilted Haiti into
Chaos" would like to be taken seriously when he writes about
"A Familiar Path to Chaos..."
This New York Times-accused chaos agent, this Haitian agent, "black-face"
of IRI, a proven provocateur of political instability, manufacturer
of violence and the #1 coup-plotter par-excellence, is actually
writing about "principles" and how to meet democratic
STANDARDS! Bizarre, to say the least! A US Ambassador, no less,
accused Stanley Lucas of IRI of orchestrating instability in Haiti.
Yet, here he is writing about "principles" and standards
for democratic governance. Sa, se gwo blag! Let it be known, though,
that the impunity of Washington-protected Haitian terrorists and
coup plotters will be felled and shaken sooner or later, when
their uses to Empire is completed, as we see with Toto Constant's
recent conviction in the US.
Mr. Lucas writes these bureaucratic tracts, as the one below,
("Management Without Principle, A Path to Chaos..")
for his Washington "Democracy" project masters, not
for Haitians. All we can echo is the voice of the voiceless in
Haiti, who say "the wind has changed" ...,impunity has
suffered its first blow with Toto Constant verdict and conviction.
Mr. Lucas and his handlers will one day also face chargers for
murder, mayhem and destabalization..not for one, but two coup
d'etats in Haiti.
Lame Timachet, the rogue police and coup d'etat executioners in
the Latortue regime, carried out and still are carrying out, the
role FRAPH held in the first Coup d'etat. Political destabilization
is Mr. Lucas' specialty and with his various tracts, like the
one below, he is pecking at the Preval Government to do what he
does best for Washington: create political insecurity, bring on
another forceful ouster of a democratically elected Haitian President,
the result of which is always the death and further misery of
thousands upon thousands of innocent Haitians.
However, Guy Malary and the peasants of Piatre, the peasants of
Jean Rabel and the 2004 coup d'etat victims of Fort National,
Bel Air, Site Soley, Gran Ravin, Cap Haitian, Gonaives, St. Marc,
et al, will one day, come what may, get a hearing. Whether its
IRI's Stanley Lucas, the bloody Haitian army's Guy Phillipe, or
FRAPH's Toto Constant, the time will come, in the next generation,
if not this one, when their Washington handlers won't be able
to shield them from their heinous crimes in Haiti. There was a
time when folks could write about the CIA and Toto Constant and
Toto Constant was protected by his Washington handlers from prosecution.
That time is gone. So, one day, will the era of complete impunity
in Haiti of the Washington protected or economic elite be over...(See,
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/voting.html#malary
; and http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/bushblock.html
and Legacy of impunity by HLLN, October 30, 2006
***********************
Management Without Principle: A Familiar Path to Chaos in Haiti
by Stanley Lucas
Washington Democracy Project
Oct. 28, 2006
Management Without Principle: A Familiar Path to Chaos in Haiti
By Stanley Lucas*
Executive Summary
The newly elected Preval Government has been exhibiting decision-making
reminiscent of the recent past, specifically the period between
1994 and 2004. The result of decision-making during that period
led the country to the chaos of February 2004 with the haphazard
departure of Aristide.
The Preval Administration has outlined priorities in line with
international governance standards, such as rule of law, human
rights protection and free and fair elections. But there is no
action plan on how to achieve these standards. And, in fact, the
actions being taken are starting to go against these standards.
If the Preval Administration continues down this path, Haiti will
be led into chaos yet again. Haitian society and the international
community have an opportunity to help change the course by requiring
the Haitian government to meet the international guidelines for
receiving international aid that all other countries must meet.
This will help ensure that there is an appropriate framework in
place to support Haiti ’s nascent democracy.
The Aristide Legacy
In October 1994, the United States sent 20,000 troops to reinstate
Jean Bertrand Aristide to power and provided more than US$3 billion
to support democracy-building in Haiti . Under the theory that
all politics are local, the international community pressed Aristide
to come up with his own plan for democracy and Haiti’s future
and to take ownership of the effort rather than having it led
by the international community. Aristide consulted his closest
advisors – Philippe Rouzier, Leslie Voltaire and Leslie
Delatour – and outlined a plan that focused on stability
and security by promoting the rule of law and strengthening the
police; initiating a dialogue with Haiti’s civil society;
organizing free and fair elections and promoting good governance;
privatizing industry; fighting corruption and drug trafficking;
respecting human rights and promoting development.
On paper, the plan was a good one. But it had two serious flaws:
1. it was merely a laundry list of objectives with no real action
plan; and 2. it empowered Aristide to be the sole owner of the
plan rather than taking an approach based on “checks and
balances” and supporting the leadership as well as non-government
actors. Essentially, the international community backed one man.
The results were disastrous. From 1994 to 2004, Aristide and his
associates did just the opposite of their stated goals. Aristide
turned against the United States calling the government an “evil
power” and developed was a politicized police force and
a network of gangs loyal to the government. These gangs operated
above the law and were free to take whatever measures they wanted
to stamp out any opposition. They burned opposition party headquarters
and the private residences of opponents.
Independent judges were dismissed replaced by more cooperative
people and a network of paid international lawyers acted as mercenaries
for the cause. Elections were rigged three separate times (April
1997, May 2000 and November 2000). Parliament was dissolved; privatization
turned into bribery; corruption became rampant, drug trafficking
rose to unprecedented levels. With Aristide support, drug traffickers
controlled the police, the presidency and its security apparatus,
the judicial system and financed rigged elections. Members of
Parliament loyal to the president were linked to cocaine trafficking,
including the president of the Senate Fourrel Celestin now serving
a life sentence in a Florida jail. Political assassination and
violations of human rights by the president and his supporters
became a normal practice, well known journalists were killed including
Brignol Lindor, Jacque Roche. The dean of Haiti ’s state
university was severely beaten. Dialogue, a hallmark of the 1994
plan, was later used merely as a tool that was used to flush out
opposition.
In the end, Aristide’s gangs took on a life and agenda of
their own. There was extensive infighting over power, control
and wealth – complete chaos. This infighting led to the
events of February 2004 and complete collapse of the government
when Aristide resigned and was helicoptered out of the country
by US forces as his gang of thugs moved into the capital.
Lessons Learned
In 1996 despite the early signs indicating the government was
heading down this path, the donor community remained steadfast
in its position that Aristide should lead the efforts to put in
place a democratic Haiti as he was the elected leader. Parliament,
political parties, Haitian civil society and some donor organizations
decried the situation and made numerous pleas to the international
community for support -- for free and fair elections, for corruption-fighting
, for efforts to redress the lack of transparency in Haitian government,
for job creation programs, and on and on -- all to no avail..
Now in 2006, we are again seeing signs of a return to Aristide
politics. But this time, we must ensure that the voices of reason
and principle prevail. This time we (meaning the donor community
and Haitian civil society actors) must insist that the government
puts into place a real action plan, rather than the list of objectives
that they currently have. Haitian leaders have begun to attack
the international community for not providing aid in a timely
manner, but international actors much resist the attacks and focus
on getting a plan and seeing the actions to fulfill standard requirements
for receiving that aid. To date there have been no capacity building
efforts or measures by the Haitian government to ensure that aid
is implemented effectively. This time, no matter what, Haiti must
become a reliable partner, a reliable international actor and
results-oriented.
The Current Administration
For the past three months, the Haitian government has made some
questionable decisions that, if not redressed, will have a negative
impact on the democratization process. It should be noted that
Preval has made some personal efforts to reach out to various
actors of Haiti ’s political spectrum, but time will tell
whether or not these talks are truly intended to establish a real
political dialogue or if they are purely cosmetic.
First, by retrieving the charges against Jean Bertrand Aristide
in a Florida court the government is sending a signal that accountability
is not a priority and will make it difficult to pursue others.
Second, the government pressured judges to free Aristide’s
political allies involved in political assassinations.
Third, the government named Samba Boukman, a co-chief of Haiti
’s Operation Baghdad, a gang-organized campaign of violence,
as a member of the official presidential disarmament commission.
Operation Baghdad has resulted in the murder of 1,821 Haitian
citizens, decapitation of 108 police officers, 237 women raped,
500 people kidnapped, including Americans and Canadians.
Fourth, by leaning on their close allies within the Provisional
Electoral Council, the government has delayed – and continues
to delay – the completion of the remaining legislative elections
and the organization of the municipal and local elections.
Five, efforts to politicize the police have resumed. The new inspector
general and member of KOREGA in the Grand Anse has a well known
history of violence.
Six, a resumption of targeted attacks against journalists including
Vario Serant of Alterpresse.
Seven, continuing political assassinations, with the most recent
killing of Guy Francois.
Eight, no serious efforts to combat the gangs. Rather the approach
has been to appease them. They have essentially “blackmailed”
the government – a worrisome trend.
Understanding Those in Power
Currently there is a struggle between two major groups that make
up this Administration as well as past Administrations. The first
is a group of technocrats willing to play by the rules and promote
democracy and good governance. They are at the nexus of international
experience and domestic expertise. They are generally well-educated,
idealistic and motivated. Most have peasant roots but have staked
a serious claim in their country’s future. Unfortunately,
they do not have the upper hand.
The second is a minority group who knows no other way to rule
other than by mobocracy. They lack a moral compass. They believe
in political violence, and use corruption, kidnappings, political
assassination, rape, drug trafficking and other illegal activities
to secure their positions of power. For them, the United States
is an “evil power”, and the international community
is weak and can be manipulated. Appointing Samba Boukman, a well-known
criminal, as a member of this official disarmament commission
is a way for this group to show it does not “report to”
the international community. This group of Haitian leaders believes
that the plights of Haiti should be blamed on the IMF, the World
Bank and others – but not them. Unfortunately for now, these
people do have the upper hand.
What Can be Done to Change the Path?
A couple months after the chaos of February 2004, a sense of security
and stability was reestablished, human rights violations decreased,
and an electoral body was put in place. In addition, relations
with the international community strengthened and there was an
allocation of US$1.2 billion to Haiti for various restoration
and capacity building programs. Despite the serious challenges
left by the Aristide regime, and as a transition authority, the
interim government was doing a good job of moving the process
forward. In 2005 and 2006, concerned Haitian citizens, supported
by the international community, heavily invested in the transition
process. The 2006 elections constituted the first step for une
sortie de crise – or a way out of the political crisis.
Now that an elected government is in place, more needs to be done
to strengthen Haiti both politically and economically, but with
serious accountability. Haitians, supported by the international
community, should continue to mobilize and push for a comprehensive
roadmap to strengthen democracy and eliminate mobocracy.
The following is a list of recommendations on how to achieve this.
Essentially, it requires that Haiti ’s government leaders
go back to the basics and spend time working, structuring, and
organizing rather than undertaking endless travel to international
conferences that will not contribute to Haiti ’s stability
and reconstruction. There is much talk about Constitutional reform.
Constitutional reform is not at all a priority (unless perhaps
one is interested in “President for Life”). It seems
that some foreign mercenaries preoccupied by advancing their careers
are more focused on constitutional reform than on taking care
of the Haitian people themselves. Haitians are seeking a better
security environment and opportunities that will help them provide
for their families – not constitutional reforms. So let’s
focus on what is priority.
Security: There is a need for a national security
strategy with the input of the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary
branches. Input from political parties, civil society should be
sought out and encouraged. Gang members, thugs and drug dealers
are still linked to state affairs and cannot be allowed to participate
in official functions. The Haitian government must put a vetting
process in place to keep criminals out of its ranks – and
have the courage to clear out criminals and others unworthy of
the public trust who are already in government. The strengthening
of the police including recruitment, training, purchasing of arms
in the United States should be supervised by a multifaceted commission
with veto power formed by representatives of the Executive branch,
the Judiciary, human rights organizations and other civil society
organizations. Building a new force, as the Preval Administration
has proposed, seems premature and dangerous. Why build a new force
when the current one has not be strengthened and cleaned from
its ranks the cronies recruited in 1994-2004?
A Policy Agenda : After three months in office,
it is time for Haitian government to present the international
donors with a strategic economic, social and political action
plan. Not a Program to Assist Sinecures (PAS). Their current plan
is disorganized and is not comprehensive. It is a list of US$7
billion in projects without any context as to how they fit into
Haiti 's overall goals. This plan should include projects in the
areas of education, infrastructure, agriculture, health, security,
economic development, and environmental protection. Equally important,
this plan should take into account international funding requirements
and the US$850 million available.
Efficiency in the State Sector: Haiti ’s
revenue generating sectors are currently organized to provide
kickbacks (bribery) to political allies and cronies. This corruption
must stop. The government should show their performance in generating
its own revenue from its revenue generating sectors, such as telecommunications,
ports, and the tax authority.
Strengthen Domestic Management Capability and Accountability:
The Haitian government needs to build up the capacity to absorb
international funds before they are received. The government needs
to put in place a human infrastructure that is capable of project
and fund management and remove those who are incompetent. They
should recruit capable professionals from the Diaspora and within
Haiti into government. There are too many unqualified people in
the government and it is severely limiting progress. As a capable
management team comes in, they must also be subject to strengthened
rules to ensure proper oversight and accountability so that the
cycle of corruption that has weakened the infrastructure in government
in the past is not repeated.
Support Haiti 's Private Sector: Haiti has an
eager Chamber of Commerce with 10 chapters throughout the country.
They desperately lack information on how to function as a Chamber
as well as the ability to carry out the various trade and economic
promotion activities normally run by Chambers. In addition, there
is a need for micro-credit programs and women's development projects,
including women entrepreneurs – a particular opportunity
for the IADB. Haiti needs jobs. One way to encourage job creation
would be for the U.S. Congress to pass the HOPE legislation that
would lower tariffs in certain sectors and promote greater U.S.-Haiti
trade. Hopefully the Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee,
Representative Bill Thomas, and Representative Charles Rangel
will do their best to get a vote during Congress’ lame duck
session in November. Let’s encourage this effort.
Timely Elections: There is some concern that there is
a deliberate effort to implode the Provisional Electoral Council
in order to delay the remaining district Legislative and nationwide
Municipal and Local elections scheduled for December 3, 2006.
The Haitian voters at the local level and Haitian political parties
are getting impatient and the international community has a US$120
million investment in these elections. If they are not carried
out in a timely, free and fair manner, this government will have
undermined all the current and previous efforts to build viable
democratic process.
Arms Control: When the arms embargo is lifted
by the United States, mechanisms should be put in place to ensure
that arms do not fall into the network of gangs and criminals
– as in the 1994-2004 period when the Aristide government
actually armed the gangs – but get to legitimate police
officers. The National Police Force and a credible commission
formed of human rights activist should help enforce this policy.
* Stanley Lucas worked on Afghanistan , the Middle East, Africa
and Latin America . Lucas is currently the Executive Director
of the Washington Democracy Project
Source: Haiti-Advocacy Goup e-mail
See also: Stanley
Lucas and IRI
http://www.sourcewatch.org/wiki.phtml?title=Talk:Stanley_Lucas
- The
Coup Connection: How an organization financed by the U.S. government
has been promoting the overthrow of elected leaders abroad
By Joshua Kurlantzick | November/December 2004 Issue
http://www.motherjones.com/news/outfront/2004/11/11_401.html
)
- Democracy
Undone | Back Channels vs. Democracy
Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos
By WALT BOGDANICH and JENNY NORDBERG
Published: January 29, 2006, New York Times
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/29/international/americas
/29haiti.html?ei=5089&en=803d683287507b6f&ex=
1296190800&pagewanted=all
***********************
Recommended Links on Stanley
Lucas and IRI:
***********************************************
RECOMMENDED BACKGROUND LINKS on IRI and Stanley Lucas
***********************************************
- Stanley
Lucas and IRI
http://www.sourcewatch.org/wiki.phtml?title=Talk:Stanley_Lucas
*****************
- Stanley
Lucas' top four targets in Site Soley at
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/campaigns/campaignone
/testimonies/orelapril22.html#lucas
- IRI:
Promulgating Democracy of Another Variety by Jessica
Leight - COHA |July 14th 2004
-HLLN
comments on Stanley Lucas' "Haiti's Hopeless: Youth Fertile
Ground for Terrorists" , August 3, 2006
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/campaigns/campaignone
/testimonies/orelapril22.html#hlln
*****************
Stanley
Lucas/Washington Democracy Project's July, 2006 Statement
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/campaigns/campaignone
/testimonies/orelapril22.html#lucas
*****************
Stanley
Lucas' "Haiti's Hopeless Youth - Fertile Ground for Terrorists"
August 2, 2006
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/campaigns/campaignone
/testimonies/orelapril22.html#lucas8_2_06
*****************
- New
York Times should apologize to Haitians for untruths:
Ezili Danto examines "Democracy
Undone | Back Channels vs. Democracy Mixed U.S. Signals Helped
Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos" where New York Times,
two years too late, reluctantly points to US complicity in Haiti's
instability but conveniently puts all the blame on IRI's
Haitian agent, Stanley Lucas, and none on his bosses, US Ambassador
James Foley who, along with IRI head honcho, Senator John McCain,
financed, orchestrated and presided over tilting Haiti into chaos.
- Feb.
3, 2006 New York Times Editorial: No Help to Democracy in Haiti
*****************
- Democracy
Undone | Back Channels vs. Democracy
Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos
By WALT BOGDANICH and JENNY NORDBERG
Published: January 29, 2006, New York Times
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/29/international/americas/29haiti.ht
ml?ei=5089&en=803d683287507b6f&ex=1296190800&pagewanted=all
*****************
( The
Coup Connection: How an organization financed by the U.S. government
has been promoting the overthrow of elected leaders abroad
By Joshua Kurlantzick | November/December 2004 Issue
http://www.motherjones.com/news/outfront/2004/11/11_401.html
)
In 2002 and 2003, IRI used funding from the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) to organize numerous political training sessions
in the Dominican Republic and Miami for some 600 Haitian leaders.
Though IRI's work is supposed to be nonpartisan -- it is official
U.S. policy not to interfere in foreign elections -- a former
U.S. diplomat says organizers of the workshops selected only opponents
of Aristide and attempted to mold them into a political force.
The trainings were run by IRI's Haiti program officer, Stanley
Lucas, the scion of a powerful Haitian family with long-standing
animosity toward Aristide -- Amnesty International says some family
members participated in a 1987 peasant massacre. To have Lucas
as your program officer sends a message to archconservatives that
you're on their side,� says Robert Maguire, a Haiti
expert at Trinity College in Washington, D.C.
IRI's anti-Aristide focus appeared to have support from the Bush
administration. The former U.S. diplomat in Haiti says Lucas was
in constant contact with Roger Noriega, the administration's top
Latin America official, who had previously worked for Senator
Jesse Helms and had long sought to oust Aristide. Noriega and
conservative Republican congressional staffers kept in close touch
with IRI-trained opposition leaders and pushed for additional
funding for IRI's Haiti activities. "The USAID director in
Haiti was under enormous pressure [from Congress] to fund IRI,"
says the former diplomats? ( The
Coup Connection: How an organization financed by the U.S. government
has been promoting the overthrow of elected leaders abroad
By Joshua Kurlantzick | November/December 2004 Issue
http://www.motherjones.com/news/outfront/2004/11/11_401.html
)
Response
#1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas
in reference to: Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa
pe chale"- The new and modern incompetent "intellectual"
house nigger.
Response
#2 on Stanley Lucas from Yves Erols:
"Zili, pa pedi tan ou avek tyoul blan sa-yo, apatrid sa-yo,
moun ki abitye kraze peyi sa-yo... "
Response
#3 on Sanley Lucas from Michel Sanon: "
Kiyè bwa oubyen Tizon dife?" Nov. 3, 2006
Stanley
Lucas' Management Without Principles: A Familiar Path to Chaos
in Haiti ,Oct. 28, 2006
Haitian pro-democracy group
(Jean Yves Point-du-Jour of "Democracy for Haiti") writes
letter protesting IRI delegation in Haiti (in Kreyol and English):
Statement concerning the visit of the members
of the International Republican Institute (IRI) in
Haiti this week, October 26, 2006 |yves@erols.com
Letter
from Stanley Lucas to HLLN entitled "Margeurite Laurent:
Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"
Conspiracy or Not?
Legacy of Impunity
**********************************
Response
#1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas in reference to:
:Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"
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below******************
- Response #1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas in reference
to: "Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"
- RECOMMENDED BACKGROUND LINKS on IRI and Stanley Lucas' murderous
role in Haiti
- Statement concerning the visit of the members of the International
Republican Institute (IRI) in Haiti this week, Oct. 26, 2006,
Jean Yves Point-du-Jour,
Democracy for Haiti | October 26, 2006 |yves@erols.com
- Letter from Stanley Lucas to HLLN: "Margeurite Laurent:
Mwen se kiye
bwa mwen pa pe chale " sent October 25, 2006
**********************************************
Response #1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas in reference
to: :Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"
From: "mr
EMMANUEL" <mr.emmanuel@mail.com>
To: "zili danto" <erzilidanto@yahoo.com>
Date: Thu, 26 Oct 2006 17:21:10 -0500
Subject: Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa
mwen pa pe chale
Hi Marguerite,
Object: Response to Stanley Lucas
We have here the perfect example of a modern house nigger. Since
the enemy noticed that the traditional house nigger is on the
way to extinction; now, he is working hard to create a new one,
a modern one, to serve and to worship him. At the same time, the
child of the slaves master is encouraging the excessive production
of this specimen within our People: the modern incompetent "intellectual"
house nigger. Our history reminds us that this modern incompetent
"intellectual" house nigger, despite the influence and
the power he seems to have, is never competent enough, or to have
enough money, influence and power to help his people to make one
step forward. In fact, he is just a tool for the enemy who uses
him. First, to show and to make white people and the humanity
believe that Black People are stupid in the purpose to justify
the white supremacy ideology. Second, the enemy also uses him
to make our institutions obsolete and/or to destroy them. Therefore,
the child of the slave masters can claim that Black People are
not competent; so we are unfit to rule our countries without their
paternalistic intervention.
The information above should help us to understand the mind set
of a man as Stanley Lucas, who, apparently, went to school and
has learnt a little bit more than just to read and to write. It
is very sad to see, according to the note that he sent previously
to Mrs. Marguerite Laurent, that he is unable to understand the
meaning of : " To be illiterate does not mean that you are
stupid". Unfortunately, all of his studies, his qualifications,
his trainings and his experiences have allowed him to understand
one thing: If you are illiterate you are stupid. Therefore, according
to Mr. Stanley Lucas, when president Jean-Bertrand Aristide says
to our People: " To be illiterate does not mean that you
are stupid", he is glorifying illiteracy. Obviously, there
is no doubt that the modern incompetent "intellectual"
house nigger is a strange specimen. He is blind, deaf and confuse
when it comes to deal with Truth i.e Actual Facts. We need to
explain to this lost and confuse poor fellow that "To be
illiterate does mean that you are stupid" simply means that
the fact that you do not know how to read and write does not mean
that you are not capable to understand what is going on. Otherwise,
you may be illiterate but you still have a brain; you are capable
of thinking, understanding and making the right decisions to protect,
preserve and defend the Freedom and the Well-being of your People,
the Sovereignty of your Nation and the Independence of your Country.
As we said in our first paragraph, the modern incompetent "intellectual"
house nigger is a tool that our enemy uses to make our institutions
obsolete and/or to destroy them. In this perspective, all of us
know about the work of Mr. Stanley Lucas and his commitment to
achieve the goals of his master. However, we suggest that IRI
gives a better training to its puppet. It is a shame for this
organization to display a man like this. A man who is blaiming
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to have not gave to Citè
Soleil everything that is missing in the whole country. Mr. Stanley
Lucas, Citè Soleil is not Haiti. It is just a region of
our country. The fact that president Aristide did not give everything
that is missing in the country to Cite Soleil is just a proof
of the fairness of the man and his government. A man who believes
in the following principle: Power to the People , for the People
and by the People.
Finally, we believe that we should not give too much attention
to this lost and confuse poor fellow. It would be more relevant
to work in the perspective to stop or to diminish the excessive
production within our People of the new house nigger: the modern
incompetent "intellectual" house nigger. We believe
also this is our duty to build up strong character and personality;
and to develop our self-esteem, love for ourselves and love for
our People; as well as loyalty to our People in the purpose to
preserve ourselves from becoming this new specimen: the Modern
Incompetent "Intellectual" House Nigger.
Mr.Emmanu-EL Djehuty-Thot
Canada
mr.emmanuel@mail.com
**********************************
Response
#2 on Stanley Lucas: "Zili, pa pedi tan ou avek tyoul blan
sa-yo, apatrid sa-yo, moun ki abitye kraze peyi sa-yo... "
From: "Yves" <yves@erols.com>
To: "zili danto" <erzilidanto@yahoo.com>,
eromulus@cfl.rr.com
CC: "Stanley Lucas" <maloukwi@yahoo.com>,
centurionlucas@gmail.com
Subject: Re: Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye
bwa mwen pa pe chale
Date: Thu, 26 Oct 2006 21:28:05 –0400
Zili, pa pedi tan ou avek tyoul blan sa-yo, apatrid sa-yo, moun
ki abitye kraze peyi sa-yo. Si Stanley Lucas te onet ak tet li,
li ta rele pwop fanmi-li nan jistis pou masakre yo masakre ti
peyizan Jean-Rabel-yo. Se ti visye sa yo ki ran peyi-a kote li
ye la jounen jodi-a. Ti kolon nwa ak kravat sa yo, nou bouke avek
yo. Li le pou yo pran konsyans. Se pou yo konpran ke Ayiti se
pou tout moun li ye, li pou sa ki an ro-a, li pou sa ki an ba
tou, sa ke li di ki bet-yo. Se sak fe li te fe konplo avek blan
pou te al kraze yo, mim jan li abitye fe sa Jean Rabel.
Yves
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