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Dessalines
Is Rising!!
Ayisyen: You Are Not Alone!
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From Thug to Freedom Fighters,
COHA, Larry Birns and Seth DeLong,
December 14, 2004
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Prime
Minister Yvon Neptune's explosive and condemning August 23, 2004 letter
from Prison to US Ambassador James Foley
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The
Revolutionary Potential of Haiti, its creeds, values and struggle
*****
Media
Lies and Real Haiti News
*****
Bwa
Kayiman 2007 and the case of Lovinsky Pierre Antoine
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| To subscribe,
write to erzilidanto@yahoo.com |
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Carnegie
Hall
Video Clip |
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No
other national
group in the world
sends more money
than Haitians living
in the Diaspora |
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The
Red Sea |
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Ezili Dantò's master Haitian dance class (Video clip)
Ezili's
Dantò's
Haitian & West African Dance Troop
Clip
one -
Clip two
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So
Much Like Here- Jazzoetry CD audio clip
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Ezili Danto's
Witnessing
to Self

Update
on
Site Soley |
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| RBM
Video Reel
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Haitian
immigrants
Angry with
Boat sinking
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| A
group of Haitian migrants arrive in a bus after being
repatriated from the nearby Turks and Caicos Islands,
in Cap-Haitien, northern Haiti, Thursday, May 10, 2007.
They were part of the survivors of a sailing vessel crowded
with Haitian migrants that overturned Friday, May 4 in
moonlit waters a half-mile from shore in shark-infested
waters. Haitian migrants claim a Turks and Caicos naval
vessel rammed their crowded sailboat twice before it capsized.
(AP Photo/Ariana Cubillos)
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Dessalines'
Law
and Ideals
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Breaking
Sea Chains |
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Little
Girl
in the Yellow
Sunday Dress

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| Anba
Dlo, Nan Ginen |
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Ezili
Danto's Art-With-The-Ancestors
Workshops - See, Red,
Black & Moonlight series or Haitian-West African
Clip
one -Clip
twoance performance |
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In
a series
of articles written for the October 17, 2006 bicentennial
commemoration of the life and works of Dessalines, I wrote
for HLLN that: "Haiti's liberator and founding father,
General Jean
Jacques Dessalines, said, "I Want
the Assets of the Country to be Equitably Divided"
and for that he was assassinated by the Mullato sons of France.
That
was the first coup d'etat, the Haitian holocaust - organized
exclusion
of the masses, misery, poverty and the impunity of the economic
elite
- continues (with Feb. 29, 2004 marking the 33rd coup d'etat).
Haiti's peoples continue to
resist the return of despots,
tyrants and enslavers who wage war on the poor
majority and Black, contain-them-in poverty through neocolonialism'
debts, "free trade" and foreign "investments."
These neocolonial tyrants refuse to allow an equitable division
of wealth, excluding the majority in Haiti from sharing in
the
country's wealth and assets."
(See
also, Kanga
Mundele: Our mission to live free or die trying, Another Haitian
Independence Day under occupation; The
Legacy of Impunity of One Sector-Who killed Dessalines?;
The Legacy of Impunity:The
Neoconlonialist inciting political instability is the problem.
Haiti is underdeveloped in crime, corruption, violence, compared
to other nations,
all, by Marguerite 'Ezili Dantò' Laurent |
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other national group in the world sends more money than Haitians
living in the Diaspora |
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Eyewitness
Account of the abduction of President Jean Bertrand Aristide and First
Lady Mildred Aristide of Haiti and the ouster of Haiti’s democratically
elected government by the United States
From
An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President,
by Randall Robinson, pg. 196, 197, 198-203 (http://randallrobinson.com/
).
Reproduced by Ezili’s HLLN,
October 27, 2007
“…Port au Prince is A
TWO HOUR drive south from Gonaives along a coastal road. When
President Aristide and his wife disappeared during the early hours of
Sunday, February 29, 2004, Guy Philippe, Luis-Jodel Chamblain, and their
American-armed paramilitary force were in the vicinity of Gonaives,
one hundred kilometers north of the capital, presumably awaiting further
instructions...." pg. 196 (emphasis added).
"…as things turned out, [Philippe, Chamblain and their American-armed
paramilitary force, were] DECOYS whose roles in a murderous
plot ended hours, if not days before the coup and Aristide’s disappearance."
pg. 196 (emphasis added)
"….In the late afternoon of Saturday, February 28, the president’s
helicopter pilot, Frantz Gabriel, reported for the last time to the
government on the pattern of movement and exact whereabouts of the American-armed
paramilitary force that had ground to a FULL STOP somewhere
in the neighborhood of Gonaives on the north west cost of the country.
(emphasis added)
Gabriel believed that the “thugs were afraid to come into Port-au-Prince”
and said as much to his superiors in the government." (From,
An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President,
by Randall Robinson, pg. 196, 197, http://randallrobinson.com/)
***
Statement of Frantz Gabriel by Randall Robinson
(From, An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of
a President, pg. 198-203, http://randallrobinson.com/)
“…The telephone rang in Gabriel’s home at 3:15 in
the morning. The call was made by one of the president’s Haitian
security guards who said to Gabriel in Kreyol that “there is something
happening that I don’t understand. I think you’d better
come here.” The voice on the phone had been colored with alarm.
Gabriel dressed quickly and went out, positioning on the front seat
at his car beside him an M3, the equivalent of a small M16 automatic
rifle. The streets would be deserted at this time of night, and Gabriel
expected to reach the president’s home at Tabarre in twenty minutes.
*
"Besides the president, his wife, and the few Haitian security
personnel present at the president’s home in the early hours of
February 29, Frantz Gabriel would be the only eyewitness to the coup
d’etat and abduction of the president and his wife that was carried
out between 3:45 and 4:00 A.M. by American Special Forces soldiers.
On October 25, 2005, I took this statement from Gabriel in Pretoria,
South Africa, where he was living in exile.
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'I
got to the house at 3:30 A.M. on Sunday morning. The gate is
usually opened by a member of the CAT team (Haitian Counter
Ambush Team). That morning it was opened by the Steele people.
This never happened before. (I later thought that the Steele
people had gotten a call to play the game, to play along.)
The gate closed behind me. I parked in my usual space in the
parking lot on the right between the two walls. I left the M3
on the seat of my car. I walked through the second gate and
into the command post. No one said anything to me. I then walked
through the office and then into the president's living room.
The president was standing alone in the room dressed in a suit
with a white shirt and a dark tie. The First Lady was somewhere
else. She was not in the living room.
I then asked, "Is there a problem, Mr. President?"
The president said, "There has been a lot of pressure coming
from all different directions."
I said, "What do you mean, sir?"
He said, "The way things are looking – I am under
intense pressure."
The phone rang and the president went to answer it. I heard
him talk. No American forces were there at that time. While
he was on the phone, I said to myself that I should go out and
see what was going on in the yard where Haitian security and
the Steele people [US private security hired by Haiti to protect
Haiti’s president] were.
As I walked out [the front door], pulling up to the walk to
the front door was a big white Suburban with diplomatic plates.
I was standing by the steps to the door. [Luis] Moreno got out
of the Suburban with two American soldiers. I turned and went
back into the living room to be closer to the president. The
president was putting the phone down.
Moreno said, "Mr. President, I'm from the U.S. Embassy.
Ten years ago, I was there when you came in. I was there to
greet you. It's too bad that ten years later, I'm the one that
has to announce to you that you've got to go."
I looked at the president and then at Moreno. By then the First
Lady had come downstairs. The president went into the dining
room to speak with her. They came out together. The First Lady
was carrying a small bag. She was wearing a suit.
Outside there were twenty to thirty American soldiers on the
walls that surrounded the house. They had lasers on their guns
that made red dots. The red dots filled the yard. They were
crisscrossing and coming from all directions.
The two soldiers with Moreno were Special Forces. I knew this
because they had beards. They carried M16's and wore full battle
dress with steel helmets and bulletproof vests. They were white
and said nothing.
We got into the Suburban. The president sat in the second row
by the window. The First lady sat in the middle and Moreno sat
by the sliding door. The two solders sat up front with one of
them driving. I sat in the back row.
We went through the main gate and made the right toward the
airport. Outside the gate, we were joined by a convoy of ten
U.S. embassy vehicles. There were all white Suburbans. We made
a right into the airport in the direction of the general aviation
area. There were two hangers there. The old Huey helicopter
was there. There was s white Airbus there. It had a huge American
flag on the tail. There was no tail number and no other markings.
Moreno opened the door and got out of the Suburban. He said
to the president and the First Lady, "Okay, let's go."
That's all he said. He didn't say anything to me. He stood at
the foot of the plane and sort of motioned to the president,
the First Lady, and me to board the plane. The three of us went
up the stairs into the plane. The two American soldiers who
were in the Suburban boarded the plane and changed into civilian
clothes (polo shirts and sneakers) while the door was still
open.
Moreno never boarded the plane. The [American] ambassador was
not there.
All this happened very quickly. Everything was timed so well.
The Suburban came into the yard at about 4:00 A.M. We got to
the plane at about 4:30 A.M. The Suburban went right to the
bottom of the stairs. We sat in the Suburban about five minutes
before Moreno opened the door and said, "Okay, let's go."
The plane looked like it would seat about 365 people. All the
window shades were pulled down. Behind the first seating section
was a big operations centre with telephone, a fax machine, and
a computer. The machines were on one side of the plane and there
were seats on the other side.
The president and the First lady were told to sit in the front
section. I sat ten rows behind a bulkhead that was behind the
American soldiers who were behind the operations centre. I could
not see the president and the First lady from where I was sitting,
but I went to talk to them several times. He was quiet. She
was crying silently. I said to myself, This is incredible. This
is a kidnapping. They just came and kidnapped the president
in his home and took him away. I'm in the middle of a fucking
kidnapping. This is the first thing that hit my mind.
There were about thirty American soldiers on the plane. They
came from the house in the ten Suburbans. They all had beards.
They boarded the plane with their gear and then changed into
civilian clothes. One of them, who seems to be in charge, said
to me, "Are you going back with us?" like he thinks
I am one of his men. Maybe it was just because of my beard.
The American soldiers sat on the plane between me and the president
and the First Lady. All the way in the back behind me were the
Steele men with their wives and children. They were all wearing
casual clothes. The pilots wore regular pilot's uniforms. We
waited on the plane about thirty minutes before we took off.
There were five black people on the plane. Besides the president,
the First Lady, and me, there was a Haitian woman who was with
one of the Steele men. They had a baby. After we landed the
first time, I asked somebody where we were but nobody would
tell me.
Everybody was quiet. I heard the fuel nozzle attach. Once in
a while the baby would cry. After the baby was fed, everything
was quiet again. They offered the president and the First lady
some sandwiches, but they did not take them.
We were on the ground for five hours. The guys who spoke to
me before, who seemed to be in charge, said to everyone over
the PA system, "So far we don't have an official invitation
yet for President Aristide. It seems like nobody wants him."
The guy was on the phone the whole time behind the president
who was sitting face forward. His staff was also on the phone.
Some of the phones were black and some were red. They were using
the fax and the laptops also.
We flew for a long time after we took off again. We landed again
and waited on the ground for fuel. We didn't know where we were.
When we were approaching the Central African Republic, the guy
who was in charge asked me, "What are you gonna do? Are
you going back with us?" I told him that I was staying
with the president. Then he said, "You are going to a French
military prison." This is what he said to me. I said, "I
don't care. I'm going where the president goes." Then he
said, "You will be greeted by a French colonel on your
arrival."
No Americans got off the plane. Nobody. Only the three of us.
Only the Central African Republic minister of foreign affairs
came on the plane. We left the airport before the plane took
off. Before that, we went into a small terminal. It was in the
morning. We sat in the terminal for thirty minutes. The minister
allowed journalists to ask him questions, but he was in no mood
to talk. Then they drove us to President Bozize's palace. The
president was out of town. They took us to two rooms in a side
section of the palace. It was three days before President Bozize
returned from out of town.
You asked me if the Central African Republic people where respectful
to us.
The only time that they were a little disrespectful was when
your plane came.' [Randall Robinson, Congresswoman Maxine Waters
and Jamaican parliament member, Sharon Hay-Webster, traveled
to the Central African Republic and rescued the Aristides, arranging
temporary asylum in Jamaica, against US-Condoleezza Rice’s
strong-armed pressure for Jamaica not to provide said temporary
asylum.]
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**
(For more information and greater details, please purchase Randall Robinson’s
book “ An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping
of a President - Buy the book at: http://randallrobinson.com/buy_agony.html
; and visit http://randallrobinson.com/ ) See also:
http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/randall.htm
***********************
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| Randall
Robinson on Haiti's Tortured Past, Troubling Present
By Theola Labbé, a Washington
Post Metro reporter of Haitian descent
Thursday, October 18, 2007; Page C03
AN UNBROKEN AGONY
Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President
By Randall Robinson
Basic Civitas 280 pp. $26
Randall Robinson, the founder of the social justice organization TransAfrica,
has never shied from expressing his views. In "Quitting America"
(2004), he declared that the United States had nothing to offer him
and other native-born blacks -- a realization that drove him to move
with his family to the Caribbean nation of St. Kitts and Nevis. In "The
Debt" (2000), he argued in favor of reparations to African Americans
for the legacy of slavery. In his latest work, Robinson offers a passionate
retelling of the history of Haiti and the circumstances surrounding
the rise and fall of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Using history,
eyewitness accounts and his own role as a monitor for parliamentary
elections, Robinson has created a worthy account, in his trademark incensed
style, of how American and European policies have harmed, rather than
helped, Haiti.
The book opens with Haiti's beginning as an island inhabited by 8 million
Taino Indians when Christopher Columbus arrived in 1492. Three decades
later, only 200 Tainos remained. Three hundred years later, freed slave
Toussaint L'Ouverture transformed fellow ex-slaves into soldiers and
led "the only successful slave revolt ever mounted in the Americas."
Robinson calls it "the most stunning victory won for the black
world in a thousand years."
While much has been written about the slave revolt, Robinson's contribution
is his focus on the revolt's reverberations throughout the rest of the
Americas in an era when slavery permeated the political and social landscape.
Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, whose ideas were precursors
to future foreign policy, were dismayed by how the slave rebellion was
progressing and reached out to French political leaders to express their
displeasure at seeing "such a spirit of revolution among the blacks."
Following the successful slave revolt, however, Haiti saw years of instability,
with rulers replaced in coups d'etat and military generals appointing
themselves leaders. The United States occupied the country for nearly
20 years at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1957, the authoritarian
Francois Duvalier was elected president. Known as "Papa Doc,"
he would be succeeded by his son, nicknamed "Baby Doc."
The election in 1990 of Aristide, a poor, populist priest, as Haiti's
president was a watershed moment. Aristide energized millions of poor
black Haitians, who for the first time felt that the government might
represent them rather than the interests of a coterie of wealthy Haitian
families. After a coup attempt and three years in exile, Aristide was
elected again in 2000.
Robinson's prose is often fiery as he lays out his indictment of the
colonialists who created the country's fractured economic and social
landscape. Haiti's successful slave revolt will always be an affront
to Western countries, he believes, but should be an inspiration to Africans
and African Americans. "Haitians have a culture that slaves once
bled to defend. . . . For this, Haitians are reviled by a white world
that the rest of us broken souls have long since succumbed to imitate,"
he writes.
But Robinson is most appalled at the way Aristide and his wife (he resigned
from the priesthood in 1994) were removed from the country in 2004.
By far the most gripping and enlightening sections of the book are ones
in which Robinson, relying on interviews with Aristide's helicopter
pilot, Frantz Gabriel, describes how U.S. troops whisked Aristide out
of the country. Gabriel arrived at the president's house at 3:30 a.m.
on Feb. 29, after getting a call from security guard who sensed that
something strange was happening and told him to come.
When he got there, he found the president alone, but soon U.S. officials
pulled into the driveway. One walked into the living room and told Aristide,
"I'm the one that has to announce to you that you've got to go."
The Aristides were driven to the airport in a convoy of 10 white Suburbans;
they boarded a plane and, after some uncertainty as to where they would
be taken, were flown to the Central African Republic. Robinson spoke
to Aristide nearly daily after the forced exit and traveled to Africa
along with Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Calif.) to find out what had happened.
In recounting these events, Robinson often takes on a crusading tone,
using words such as "abduction" and "kidnapping"
to describe Aristide's departure. These are more than opinions to Robinson;
they are his truth, but with his urgent tone, he risks alienating the
kind of reader he may want to edify, someone ignorant of Haiti's unusual
history as a rebel slave colony.
Nevertheless, with his strong eye for detail, Robinson manages to illuminate
a tragedy that the rest of the world experienced only through news reports
and photographs -- if it paid attention at all. Describing his visit
with Waters to the Aristides in exile, he writes, "At the bottom
of the stairway, we saw the president and Mrs. Aristide standing side
by side in shadow waiting for us. Their faces wore small, guarded smiles.
Tired and emotionally drained, they appeared, nonetheless, composed
and dignified."
Three years later, unanswered questions still haunt Robinson. Why has
no one in the U.S. media investigated Aristide's claims that he was
wrongfully removed and forced to resign? Why was he spirited out of
his country and never told where he would be taken? Robinson has written
this book because he wants to invite more people to search for the answers.
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Randall Robinson on "An Unbroken
Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President"
| Monday, July
23rd, 2007 | Democracy
Now!
Listen to Segment || Download Show mp3
Watch 128k stream Watch 256k stream Read Transcript
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/07/23/141241
TransAfrica Founder Randall Robinson chronicles the 2004 U.S.-backed
coup that ousted Haiti's democratically elected president Jean-Bertrand
Aristide. Robinson challenges the Bush administration's claim that the
Aristides voluntarily left Haiti and recalls his trip to the Central
African Republic to bring the Aristides back to the Caribbean. He also
reveals new details on the U.S.-backed coup militants armed and trained
in neighboring Dominican Republic, including the accused drug smuggler
Guy Philippe. As the Aristides remain in exile, Randall Robinson joins
us in the Firehouse studio for the hour to talk about the coup, the
history of Haiti and the state of affairs there since the 2004 coup.
[includes rush transcript] Over 10,000 people marched in the Haitian
capital of Port-au-Prince last Sunday. They were calling for the return
of the exiled president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. It was his fifty-fourth
birthday. A number of people spoke, we begin with the folksinger Annette
Auguste, popularly known as "So An."
* Annette Auguste
On February 29th, 2004, the democratically elected president of Haiti,
Jean-Bertrand Aristide, was removed from office by the United States
and flown to the Central African Republic. Two weeks later, in defiance
of the United States, a delegation led by California Congressmember
Maxine Waters and TransAfrica founder Randall Robinson chartered a plane
and headed off to Central African Republic themselves to bring President
Aristide and his wife back to the Caribbean. I accompanied them on that
trip. After hours of negotiating with the dictator in the capital Bangui
they freed the Aristides. As we flew back over the Atlantic, President
Aristide said that he had been kidnapped in a US-backed coup d'etat.
* Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Its now more than three years later. The Aristides remain in exile in
South Africa and Randall Robinson has just written a book called "An
Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution to the Kidnapping of a President."
He flew in from the Carribean island of St. Kitts last night and joins
us in our firehouse studio today.
* Randall Robinson, author of "An Unbroken Agony: Haiti, From Revolution
to the Kidnapping of a President." He is founder and past president
of TransAfrica and the author of the bestsellers "The Debt",
"The Reckoning", and "Defending the Spirit." His
website is RandallRobinson.com.
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